Peak alignment of pre-nuclear and nuclear accents in Argentine Spanish Laura Colantoni University of Toronto Outline Argentine Spanish intonation – Controlled speech Buenos Aires Spanish: database for speech synthesis Catamarca, Mendoza, Misiones, Salta and Tucuman Spanish: database for speech recognition – Semi-spontaneous speech Corrientes and San Juan Spanish: Linguistic atlas of Argentina Buenos Aires Spanish Broad focus declaratives (Colantoni & Grulekian 2004; cf. also Sosa 1999, Toledo 2000) – Pre-nuclear accents Peak aligned within the stressed syllable Valley aligned within the post-tonic syllable – Nuclear accents L* (?); valley aligned within the stressed syllable Pre-nuclear accents Position in Peak aligned within the stressed syllable the H*+L L+H* Valley aligned within the stressed syllable H*+H L*+L L*+H Total H+L* utterance N % N % N % N % N % N % First 419 91.68 9 1.97 14 3.06 11 2.41 0 0 4 0.88 457 Second 143 91.67 2 1.28 2 1.28 4 2.56 2 1.28 3 1.92 156 Third 26 74.29 1 2.86 5 14.29 1 2.86 2 5.71 0 0 35 Total 588 90.74 12 1.85 21 3.24 16 2.47 4 0.62 7 1.08 648 Table 1: Alignment patterns for pre-nuclear accents according to their relative position in the utterance Pre-nuclear accents Figure 1: Early peak alignment in aplaZO ‘she/he postponed’, extracted from the sentence La justicia aplazó el referendum en el ayuntamiento ‘The court postponed the referendum in the city hall’ Nuclear accents Number of pitch accents H*+L L*+L Other Total N % N % N % 1 56 42.75 55 41.98 8 6.11 131 2 155 32.70 303 63.92 2 0.42 474 3 129 36.65 203 57.67 2 0.57 352 4 22 22.68 72 74.23 0 0.00 97 5 9 29.03 20 64.52 2 6.45 31 Total 371 34.19 653 60.18 14 1.29 1085 preceding Table 2: Alignment patterns in nuclear accents in utterance final intonational contours Nuclear accents Figure 2: Final intonation contour extracted from the sentence Cuando sopla viento norte, cambian su comportamiento “When there is a northern wind, (people) change their behavior” Problems Pre-nuclear accents – Early peak alignment: Not frequent but found in other varieties (e.g. Peruvian Spanish; cf. O’Rourke 2004) H* vs. L+H* Nuclear accents – L* described for other varieties – Probable difference in the magnitude of downstep Phonetic or phonological difference? NB: only BA Spanish; reading style Other Argentine Spanish varieties On-going project (Colantoni, Enbe, and Pérez Ibáñez) Data source – Database for recognition – 1000 speakers – Task: sentence-reading Varieties selected – – – – – Catamarca Mendoza Misiones Salta Tucuman Pre-nuclear accents 7 H* H*+H1 5 H*+L0 L0+H* 4 H*+L1 3 H*+L2 H*+L3 2 H0+L* L* 1 lta 2 Sa lta 1 cu Tu do M en Sa m an 2 za 1 do M en io n M is za 2 es 1 es io n M is at a m ar ca 0 C Frequenc 6 Variety Figure 3: Pre-nuclear accents (alignment patterns) in the five varieties under study Pre-nuclear accents General tendency: – Peak aligned within stressed syllable – Higher degree of variation (when compared to BA Spanish) in varieties under study Cross-dialectal variation: – Increasing frequency of low tones aligned within the stressed syllable, especially in Catamarca, Mendoza and Tucuman Nuclear accents 8 7 H* H*+L0 5 H*+L1 4 L* H0+L* 3 L0+L* 2 L*+L0 1 lta 2 Sa lta 1 cu Tu Sa m an 2 M is io n es io n M is do M en es 1 2 za 1 za do M en at a m ar ca 0 C Frequenc 6 Variety Figure 4: Nuclear accents (alignment patterns) in the five varieties under study Nuclear accents Mendoza, Misiones, (Tucuman) – Tendency: peak aligned within the stressed syllable Salta and Catamarca – Tendency: low tone aligned within the stressed syllable Problems Differences in the alignment of pre-nuclear accents Differences in the alignment of nuclear accents – Cross-dialectal variation – Phonetic vs. phonological differences NB: – Reading task – Instructions (?) Semi-spontaneous speech Data: – Linguistic atlas of Argentina – Female speakers: Corrientes (4) San Juan (2) – Narratives (only statements were analyzed) Theoretical questions Differences between formal and spontaneous speech Cross-dialectal differences and the AM model Status of the differences observed (i.e. phonological vs. phonetic) Alignment and phonological categories Pre-nuclear accents Corrientes Late peak alignment – Consistent with previous descriptions of other Spanish varieties – Similarities with Misiones Spanish (Colantoni et al.) Late peak alignment: second most frequent pattern Early peak alignment – Emphasis and/or contrastive focus Pre-nuclear accents: late peak alignment Figure 5: Late peak alignment in miRANdo, ‘looking’, Beron de Astrada (Corrientes) Pre-nuclear accents: early peak alignment Figure 6: Early peak alignment in reIa, ‘to laugh (3ps), San Cosme (Corrientes) San Juan Late peak alignment – Again, pattern observed in other Spanish varieties – Similarities with Mendoza Spanish (Colantoni et al.) Late peak alignment: most frequent pattern for one of the speakers in the study Pre-nuclear accents: late peak alignment Figure 7: Late peak alignment in roBAba, ‘to steal’ (3ps, IMP), Villa Krause (San Juan) Nuclear accents Corrientes and San Juan Spanish Corrientes, San Juan vs. Buenos Aires Spanish – Higher frequency of peaks aligned within the stressed syllable San Juan vs. Corrientes – Peaks aligned within the stressed syllable more frequently in San Juan than in Corrientes; – Consistent with our previous analysis of Mendoza and Misiones Spanish Nuclear accents in San Juan Spanish Figure 8: Early peak alignment in pioLIN, ‘thread’, Valle Fertil (San Juan) Nuclear accents in Corrientes Spanish Figure 9: Early peak alignment in BAIlan, ‘to dance’ (3pp, present), B. de Astrada (Corrientes) Concluding remarks Controlled vs. spontaneous speech – Preliminary data seem to indicate that tendencies observed in controlled speech are also valid for semi-spontaneous speech – Problems in the analysis of spontaneous speech Sample size Control of contextual factors Transcription Concluding remarks Cross-dialectal studies of intonation – Capturing the differences with the AM model General tendencies Is it enough? – Refining the labeling method – Adding duration and intensity analyses References Colantoni, Laura & Gurlekian, Jorge. 2004. Convergence and intonation: historical evidence from Buenos Aires Spanish. Bilingualism: language and cognition, 7, 107-119. O'Rourke, Erin. 2004. Peak alignment in Peru: Spanish in contact with Quechua. In: Contemporary approaches to Romance lingusitics. Ed. by J. Auger, J. Clancy Clements and B. Vance, Bloomington, Indiana. Sosa, Juan Manuel. 1999. La entonación del español: su estructura fónica, variabilidad y dialectología. Madrid: Cátedra. Toledo, Guillermo. 2000. H en el español de Buenos Aires. Langues et Linguistique, 26, 107-27.