Adding
Participant and Circumstantial Roles
to the analysis of texts:
TRANSITIVITY analysis
for the twenty-first century
Robin Fawcett and Anke Schulz
Cardiff University and Darmstadt University
1
First, this question:
What is the level – or what are the levels of language
at which PRs and CRs are located?
This depends on which architecture of language and its use
we are using.
Here is the CG model:
2
Overall
PLANNER
and REASONER
(so directing discourse planning)
GOALS, PLANS
& PLANNING
Plan library: scripts,
genre types, etc.
GOAL & PLAN
DETECTION
as for generation
basic logical form
basic logical form
MICRO-PLANNERS
to guide choices in
(1) discourse grammars
& via enriched logical form
(2) lexicogrammar:
referring expressions,
time & aspectual type,
thematization, newness,
contrastive newness,
negativity, delicate MOOD,
affective attitude, validity,
lexical specificity,
aggregation, equivalences
BELIEF SYSTEM
MICROINTEPRETERS
to interpret choices in
(1) discourse grammars
(2) lexicogrammar
(See Figure 4)
(corresponding to
micro-planners
for generation)
enriched logical form
enriched logical form
PREDETERMINATION
RULES
discourse
structure
representation
DISCOURSE PLANNER
(GENEDIS) grammars for
GENRE, EXCHANGE
& RHETORICAL structure
SENTENCE
PLANNER
LOGICAL FORM
TRANSLATOR
DISCOURSE
PARSERINTERPRETER
discourse
structure
representation
3
enriched logical form
enriched logical form
PREDETERMINATION
RULES
discourse
structure
representation
DISCOURSE PLANNER
(GENEDIS) grammars for
GENRE, EXCHANGE
& RHETORICAL structure
LOGICAL FORM
TRANSLATOR
DISCOURSE
PARSERINTERPRETER
discourse
structure
representation
SENTENCE
PLANNER
(GENESYS)
LEXICOGRAMMAR
semantic
representation
SEMANTIC
SYSTEM NETWORK
rich formal
representation
REALIZATION
COMPONENT
string of items +
intontion or
punctuation
SYNTAX STRIPPER
speech
SPEECH SYNTHESIZER
SENTENCE
INTERPRETER
(REVELATION)
rich formal
representation
SENTENCE PARSER
= component
string of items +
intonation or
punctuation
SPEECH ANALYZER
GENERATION
KEY:
semantic
representation
speech
UNDERSTANDING
= input/output
= message flow
= consultation
4
Figure 3: The major components of a communic ating mind
Locating PRs within the model of language:
potential
meaning
system network
of semantic features
form
realization rules /
statements
instance
selection expression
of semantic features
one layer of a richly
labelled tree structure
Figure 1: The main components of a simplified systemic functional grammar
5
PRs (or their equivalent) are needed AT EVERY LEVEL of the
representation of an ‘event’,
i.e. (working from ‘lowest’ to ‘highest’):
1as the specific types of Participant Role in the representation of
the functional structure - i.e. syntax - at the level of form,
2
through being referred to in the semantic features in the
system networks from which those PRs are generated, and
3in (i) the systemic functional logical form in the input to and
output from generation and understanding and
4 (ii) the Performer’s belief system
(cp ‘figures’ at the higher level that is called ‘semantics’ in
Halliday & Matthiessen 1999).
6
So the system network for TRANSITIVITY is at
the level of meaning (‘semantics’)
and the PRs occur, as the realization of those choices,
at the level of form.
And Halliday describes his system network for
TRANSITIVITY as ‘semantic’, as
‘having been pushed fairly far towards the level of ‘semantics’
7
A short reprise of the method of analysis
introduced in yesterday’s workshop
(i.e. for the output at the level of form)
8
9
10
The key tools
for analyzing the functional syntax of texts
Handout 2 – check you have it!
95% of the syntax of English on three sides of A4!
Handout 3 – check you have it!
A summary of the method
Note especially the Process and PRs Test
11
See Handout 3
From Invitation
The procedure for clause analysis: a summary
0 Preparation: make the clause an ‘information giver’ that is
‘positive’, and replace wh-items by someone, etc.
1 Find the Process, and so the Main Verb
M
or M + Main Verb Extension(s)
M + MEx
or M + preposition
M + p (inside C)
or M + Main Verb Extension + preposition. M + MEx + p
2 Left of M, find any Auxiliaries (if used)
X, X, X
3 Right of each X, find any Auxiliary Extension,
if used, plus any associated Infinitives
XEx + I
4 Left of X, find any other Infinitive (if used)
I
5 Left of I, find the Negator (if used).
N
12
6 Left of N, find the Operator (if used).
O
7 Left or right of O, find the Subject.
S
S may contain a wh-item.
If S is covert, place it in brackets.
(S)
8 Find the Let element (if used).
L
Find all PRs. S is probably one;
any other PR is a Complement.
C, C
If a C contains a wh-item, expect it to the left.
If a C is covert, place it in brackets.
(C)
Find any Adjuncts.
A, A ...
If an A contains a wh-item, expect it to the left.
11 Find the Vocative (if used)
V
12 Find the Ender (if used).
E
13
Step 1: The Process and PR Test (99% reliable)
Find the word (or words) that express the Process, and at the same
time make a first guess at the Participant Roles that it ‘expects’.
Test Assuming that xxx stands for the Main Verb, (yy) stands for
one (or occasionally more) possible Main Verb Extensions, (zz)
stands for a possible preposition and that each of someone,
something and somewhere stands for each possible PR, try saying:
In this Process of xxx-ing (yy) (zz), we expect to find
someone or something
xxx-ing (yy) (zz)
(someone or something)
((to or from) someone or something or somewhere).
(The last line says that the possible 2nd or 3rd PR is sometimes
preceded by to or from.)
14
The “shower” text
1 The functional syntax of two clauses (RF)
2 Adding the PRs – a brief demonstration (AS)
15
In what sense is this TRANSITIVITY analysis ‘for the twentyfirst century’ ?
A linguistics for the new century should take account of the major
advances in Descriptive Linguistics since the 1970s:
16
Developments in linguistics since 1970
relevant to imroving our models of
TRANSITIVITY
•
the growing emphasis in Linguistics in general on meaning and
function;
•
the detailed analysis of very large quantities of text using SFG
descriptions;
•
work in other functionally-oriented theories;
•
some of the work by formally oriented linguists
17
•
evidence from very large corpora;
•
evidence from building very large systemic functional grammars in
a computer model of language;
The model to be presented here is derived from the 1970s
description of TRANSITIVITY by Halliday,
but has since then been modified under the influence of the above
developments.
NB especially:
18
NB especially:
1
Earlier versions of Fawcett’s description (1980, 1987) were
adopted for use in NLG and MT:
the European Community’s EUROTRA Project (Steiner)
Roesner’s NLG generator
The COMMUNAL Project’s first NLG generator
2
More recent versions have been adopted for use in:
Elhadad’s widely used SURGE generator (cp Nigel in KPML)
The COMMUNAL Project’s later NLG generator
Castel’s REDACTE generator
3
Wide use for research and student projects in text analysis:
e.g. Anke Schulz, Darmstadt, Lin Yuan Ke, Liverpool
It is ready for even wider use in text analysis!
19
The goals and scope of TRANSITIVITY analysis
Goals
1 To provide a framework for the description of all texts at this level of
analysis (assuming we know what that is; see below)
2 To provide the required framework of PRs for a very large computer
model of language
Criteria (for both): comprehensiveness, simplicity and testability
Scope
Processes and their inherent Participant Roles
So not Circumstances (which we treat as a separate but related matter)
20
Two approaches to TRANSITIVITY
1
Identifying directly the features describing ‘clause types’ (better:
‘Process types’)
e.g. ‘attributive’, ‘transitive’, ‘operative’, ‘receptive’.
2 Identifying PRs.
The Cardiff Grammar’s approach: do both - but 1 via 2, not 2 via 1.
So Process types - i.e. the primary features in the system network for
TRANSITIVITY - are identifiable primarily in terms of
configurations of Participant Roles.
NB: other aspects of ‘Process types’ follow from them,
e.g. the co-occurrence probabilities of the ‘tenses’ we call
‘period-marking’(be -ing) and ‘retrospective’ (have + past
participle)
21
The principles guiding the recognition of Participant Roles
1
There must be no more than one of each type of Participant Role
in any one clause.
2
There must be a test for each Participant Role, to enable the
analyst to check in cases of doubt.
3
Within these constraints, there is no need for any finer
distinctions between the different types of Participant Role.
So the principles are both theoretical and pragmatic.
22
The plan from here on:
1
To summarize some of the main problems in analyzing Processes and
PRs
2
To introduce the CG system network for TRANSITIVITY
3
To introduce the CG literature and resources for TRANSITIVITY
(especially Amy Neale’s Process Type Data Base)
4 To introduce you to the tests for Participant Roles
5
Demonstration of how to use them (with your participation)
6
Introduction to notes on Circumstantial Roles
7
Your problem examples for all to attempt; our examples
8
Concluding questions, comments and requests.
23
Alternative SFG representations of Participant Roles
We
THEME
would visit
Mrs Skinner
every Sunday
Theme (topical) Rheme
INFORMATION
Focus
New
Given
MOOD
S ubject
Mood
TRANSITIVITY Actor
Finite Predicator Complement
Adjunct
Residue
Process
Goal
Circumstance
Figure 2: A Sydney Grammar representation of a simple clause
24
Cl
S/Ag
We
experiential
interpersonal
overt
agent
O
M
C/Af
S
Y
N
T
A
X
A
would
visit
Mrs S every Sunday.
repeated
past
social overt
periodic
action affected
frequency
TEXT
S
E
M
A
N
T
information-giver
polarity
positive
validity
unassessed
I
thematic
subject
theme
informational
C
S
unmarked new
(no realizations of 'logical relations' or 'affective' meaning)
Figure 3: The Cardiff Grammar analysis of a simple clause (Fawcett 2000)
25
•
Cl
S/Ag
(1) Ivy
A/Ma
carefully
M/Pro
C/Ra
descended the Hörnli Ridge.
26
S/Ra
ngp
dd h
O/X
•
•
Cl
Cl
M
C
S/Ag-Perc M
ngp
p cv/Ag
ngp
h
pgp
h
(2b) The ridge was descended by Ivy.
C
pgp
p
cv/Ph
ngp
dd
h
.
(3) He looked at the flower
Figure 2: Two examples where a PR is conflated with a completive
27
Some problems to look out for
(For a full discussion, see Fawcett 2009 (or Fawcett 2010a)
Variations in the probability of overt realization
(for the description)
(...)
= ‘this element is occasionally unrealized’
e.g. He [S/Ag] hits (the ball [C/Af]) hard [A/Ma].
((...)) = ‘this element is frequently unrealized’
e.g. He [S/Ag] said ((to me [C/Af-Cog])) he was sorry [C/Ph].
(((...))) = ‘this element is almost always unrealized’
e.g. I [S/Ag] can account (((to you [C/Af-Cog]))) for it [C/Ph]
PLUS the non-realization of a PR as Subject in simple directives, many
‘partial’ clauses and many ‘passive’ constructions’ - so covert
28
realizations occur quite often.
The problem that assumptions about ‘realms of experience’
may lead to mistakes in recognizing ‘types of Process’
Realms of experience
physical
social interaction
psychologic al
abstract
Types of Process
action
relational
mental
influential
Figure 3: The lack of a one-to-one correspondence between
realms of experience and types of Process
29
The problem of living, fading and dead metaphors
(3)
(4a)
(4b)
She [Ag] turned the water / gas / light [Af] on.
She / the film [Ph] {really} turned him [Em] on.
She / the film [Ph] {really} pleased / delighted him [Em].
It is the PRs that indicate the meaning of the Process.
What about these?
(7a) She [Ag] was pulling Fred [Af] ’s leg.
(7b) She [Ag] was teasing Fred [Af].
30
•
Cl
S/Ag O/X
ngp
h
M
MEx
ngp
dd
genclr
h
po/Af g
ngp
h
(7a) She was pulling Fred 's leg.
Figure 4: The analysis of a clause with a dead metaphor
31
The problem of ambiguity
1 Ivy’s request touched / moved Fred.
2 change, open, break, cook, and sound
3 walk, run, swim (as ‘action’ or ‘directional’ movement)
4 go, get and turn
The problem of covert Participant Roles
(like 1, but for instances in texts)
Deciding whether a PR is (a) or (b):
(a) inherent in the Process but covert, or
(b) simply not ‘ expected’ by the Process at all.
Four reasons for covertness:
1 Recoverability by the Addressee
2 Avoiding assigning responsibility - esp. for ideological reasons
3 The Performer’s lack of information
32
4 Irrelevance
The problem of preferred Circumstantial Roles (CRs)
1 Ivy sold it to Fred for £200 (Circ: Exchange)
2 She kissed him on the cheek (Circ: Body Part)
The problem of clauses with experientially empty Subjects
(and other special constructions)
1 It is obvious that Fred loves you.
2 It is Fred who/that loves you.
3 It seems to me that Fred loves you.
The problem of how to distinguish between a Process
Extension (so MEx) and a Range
1 He sang a song / Annie Laurie [Ra]
2 He had a bath [PrEx]
33
3 The sub-networks – and so the
configurations of Participant Roles
The examples that we shall meet are shown
1
in their most typical sequence (e.g.in an ‘active’ rather than a
‘passive’ construction);
2
realized overtly (rather than being covert, so unrealized) and
3 exemplified in clauses, normally (rather than in nominalizations of
events, i.e. in nominal groups).
4
So -
34
The main characteristics of this approach
Carried out on the basis of a ‘S…M…MEx... p…C…’ analysis
One Process per clause - so no verbal group complexes
One analysis per clause (except for full metaphor) - not two, as in IFG
64 Process type,s determined by configurations of PRs
17 PRs determined by explicit tests
Agents and Affecteds in many Process types
Which PR best characterises each major Process type?
Action
Agent, Affected (+ Created, Range)
Relational
Carrier
(+ others, + Agent, Affected)
Mental
Phenomenon
(+ others, + Agent, Affected)
Influential
Agent, Affected (+ Phenomenon, Created-Phenomenon)
Event-relating
Carrier CHECK (+ Phenomenon, Created-Phenomenon)
35
27%
action (to Figure 6)
48%
attributive (to Figure 7)
20%
locational (to Figure 8)
30%
20%
rela tional
directional (to Figure 9)
10%
possessive (to Figure 10)
2%
TRANSITIVITY
situation
matching
(to Figure 11)
25%
(OTHER
SYSTEMS)
mental (to Figure 12)
0.01%
environmental (to Figure 16)
15%
influential (to Figure 17)
2.99%
event-rela ting (to Figure 19)
Figure 5: The early options in the TRANSITIVITY network
36
70%
agent only
Ag + Pro
run
Af + Pro
die, open,
wash (easily)
Ca + Pro
shine
Cre + Pro
begin
Ra + Pro
cont inue
Ag + Pro + Af
hit , open ,
greet
paint,
begin
read (a book)
climb (a hill)
beha ve
9.7%
affected only
(including 'quasi-agent')
9.9%
one-role process
0.1%
carrier only
0.1%
created only
0.1%
range only
90%
plus affected
action
3.9%
90%
plus created
two-role process
6%
plus range
Ag + Pro + Cre
Ag + Pro + Ra
0.1%
plus manner
Ag + Pro + Ma
0.1%
three-role process (agent, affected, manner) Ag + Pro + Af + Ma
treat , handle
Figure 6: The major options in the ‘action’ part of the TRANSITIVITY network
37
3.3.2 Agent + Process
3.3.2.1 Agent + simple Process
(1)
(2)
Ivy runs {to keep fit}.
He’s {still} breathing.
3.3.2.2 Agent + Process + Process Extension
(5)
(6)
Ivy went [Pro] away [PrEx] {for a fortnight}.
Ike had [Pro] a swim / a nice long shower / a good wash [PrEx].
38
3.3.3 Affected + Process
(1)
(2)
(3a)
(3b)
(3c)
(3d)
Ivy sneezed.
Her mouse has died.
{Suddenly} the door opened.
The glass broke / shattered / cracked.
The snow melted.
The meat cooked {slowly}
3.3.4 Created + Process
(1)
(2)
He was born {in Guangzhou / in 1851}.
The match / party / work began / started {at six}.
39
3.3.5 Phenomenon + Process (infrequent)
(1) The match / party / work continued / stopped / ended.
(2) Their attempt to climb Everest / His intervention succeeded / failed.
3.3.6 Carrier + Process (infrequent)
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
The silver shone {brightly}.
My leg hurts / aches.
The departure date came / arrived.
(These) things {just} happen.
40
3.3.7 Agent + Process + Affected
The two types of ‘action’ Process:
‘material action’ - e.g. ‘hitting’
‘social action’ - e.g. ‘sacking’ (BrE) / ‘firing’ (AmE)
First: ‘material action’
(1a)
(1b)
(2a)
(2b)
(3)
(4)
Ivy slapped / murdered Fred.
Fred was slapped / murdered (by Ivy).
Ivy broke / the glass.
The glass was broken (by Ivy).
The glass broke {when the soprano sang a high note}.
The snow {soon} melted.
41
3.3.7.2 ‘Overt’ and ‘covert’ Participant Roles
(5)
(6)
(7)
(8)
(9)
(10)
Slap him!
Don’t (you) touch it.
(You) open the door.
Ike touched Ivy {on the arm}.
Ike touched Ivy’s arm.
Mohammed Ali didn’t hit (his opponents) {really hard}.
3.7.3 The problem of ‘reflexive’ and ‘reciprocal pronouns’
(12)
(13a)
(13b)
(14)
Fred and Ivy slapped themselves / each other {to keep awake}.
Sampson killed himself.
Sampson killed both his enemies and himself.
Ike shaved (((himself))).
42
3.3.7.4 Some untypical types of Agent
‘tools’ presented as an ‘extension’ of a human Agent
(So NB there is not a separate PR of ‘Instrument’)
(15a) This key / sledgehammer will open the door.
(15b) The car / truck hit the lamp post.
‘natural forces’
(16a) The storm / wind shattered the windowpanes.
(16b) The heat / sun melted / thawed the snow.
‘events’
(17) The war made Ivan rich.
43
3.3.7.6 Processes of ‘social action’
(19)
(20)
(21)
She visited / ignored / avoided him.
She slandered / insulted / him.
She criticized / teased / laughed at him {about / for / over his
slowness}.
(22a) She said [Pro] hello / goodbye [PrEx] to / him.
(22b) He waved [Pro] goodbye [PrEx] to her].
(23) He kissed [Pro] her goodbye [PrEx].
(24) Fred greeted / smiled at / nodded to / chatted up / Fiona.
(25) Ivy sacked / fired / hired / took on Fred {as a driver [Role]}.
44
3.3.7.7 A controversial type of ‘social action’
‘social action’ or ‘matching’?
(26a)
(26b)
(27a)
(27b)
Eric married / divorced Alice.
Eric got [Pro] married / engaged [PrEx] to / Alice.
Eric separated from / divorced Alice.
Eric got [Pro] divorced [PrEx] from Alice {last year}.
But note the possibility of the pattern associated with ‘matching’
(a)
(b)
(c)
Eric
married / divorced Alice.
Eric and Alice married / divorced each other.
Eric and Alice married / divorced.
45
- and the ‘private enactment of a social relationship’
(28) Eric / Alice is seeing / going [Pro] out [PrEx] with / having a
relationship / affair [PrEx] with / having it [C] off / away [PrEx]
with / doing it PrEx] with / having sex [PrEx] with / sleeping with /
fucking / screwing Sharon / Kevin.
Again - ‘social action’ or ‘matching’?
So ‘Agent + Affected’ or ‘Carrier + Matchee’?
46
3.3.8 Agent + Process + Created
(35)
(36)
(37)
Ike made / baked a cake.
Ivy wrote that long book.
She painted that portrait.
3.3.9 Agent + Process + Range
(38)
(39)
(40)
(41)
(42)
(43)
(44)
Ivy climbed the mountain / Mont Blanc.
She traversed the North Face of the Matterhorn.
She descended the Hörnli Ridge.
She read that long book.
Ivy’s ascent of Mont Blanc. (event thing)
He sang a song / a Scottish ballad / nnie Laurie.
She played the piano / the tape / a minuet / some Bach.
but not two miles in She walked two miles that day, which is a
Circumstance of Distance.
47
94%
simple carrier
Ca + Pro + At
be
3%
affected-carrier
attributive
Af-Ca + Pro + At
become , get
Ag-Ca + Pro + At
keep (quiet)
0.01 %
agent-carrier
2.99%
plus third party agent Ag + Pro + Af-Ca + At
make , elect
Figure 7: The major options in the ‘attributive’ part of the TRANSITIVITY network
48
3.4.1.2 Carrier + Process + Attribute
3.4.1.2.1 Unmarked Carrier + Process + Attribute
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4a)
(4b)
(5a)
(5b)
(6a
(7a)
(7b)
(8a)
(8b)
(12)
(13)
(14)
She is a year tutor / the year tutor.
That pencil is mine / one of mine / the one Ivy lent me yesterday.
This thing is for opening bottles.
This prehistoric carving is / looks like one / the one in the British Museum.
It resembles the shape of a human body.
That looks / sounds / smells / tastes / feels absolutely wonderful.
That looks / sounds / smells / tastes / feels as if it is time to chuck it out.
Ivy is / weighs 60 kilos.(6b)
The ticket is /costs ten dollars.
To err is human; to forgive (is) divine.
Eating people is wrong.
Ivy is / seems pretty happy / in a temper / like her mother / above such things.
Ivy appears pretty happy.
What we saw that evening [Ca] was a badger [At].
This [Ca] is what you get [At].
What you see [Ca] is what you get [At].
49
3.4.1.2.2 It + Process + Attribute + Carrier
(17)
It was a badger [At] that we saw that evening [Ca].
- experiential enhanced theme
(18)
It’s clear [At] that Ike was there [Ca].
- evaluative enhanced theme
50
3.4.1.3 Affected-Carrier + Process + Attribute
(27)
(28)
(29)
(30)
Ivy became a student / the banker {in the next game of Vingt-et-Un}.
Ivy got rich / into a temper / more like her mother.
Ivy went / turned pale.
She flew into a rage.
3.4.1.4 Agent-Carrier + Process + Attribute (infrequent)
(31)
Ike kept very quiet.
3.4.1.5 Agent + Process + Affected-Carrier + Attribute
(32)
(33)
(34)
(35)
(37)
(38)
(39)
(40)
They made / elected/ appointed Ivy (as) a/the chairperson.
The war made some people very rich.
Ivy made herself rich / the chairperson.
They kept her busy.
He wiped the table clean.
They painted the shed green.
He kept / cut her hair / the visit short.
DRINK CANADA DRY.
51
97%
simple carrier
Ca + Pro + Loc
be
0.1%
affected-carrier
locational
Af-Ca + Pro + Loc
remain
1.9%
agent-carrier
Ag-Ca + Pro + Loc
stay
1%
plus third party agent
Ag + Pro + Af-Ca + Loc
leav e
Figure 8: The major options in the ‘locational’ part of the TRANSITIVITY network
52
3.4.2.2 Carrier + Process + Location
3.4.2.2.1 Unmarked Carrier + Process + Location
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
Ivy is / lives / works in Cardiff / right here.
They inhabit the tundra.
Her birthday is on Tuesday. (a location in time)
The accident happened / occurred / took place / was last week).
3.4.2.2.2 There + Process + Carrier + Location
(5)
(6)
(7)
(8)
(12)
There’s a cat on the mat.
There’s some beer (in the fridge).
There aren’t any unicorns (in the real world).
There was a feeling of great happiness (in the air).
There was a man playing a violin [Ca] (in the square [Loc]).
53
3.4.2.3 Affected-Carrier + Process + Location (infrequent)
(14)
The parcel stayed / remained in New York.
3.4.2.4 Agent-Carrier + Process + Location (fairly infrequent)
(15)
(16)
(17)
Ike stayed / remained in New York.
Ike stayed [Pro] (put [PrEx]) in his Manhattan appartment.
He walked / strolled [Pro] about / around [PrEx] in Central Park.
3.4.2.5 Agent + Process + Affected-Carrier + Location (fairly
infrequent)
(18)
Ivy left / kept the parcel / the baby at home.
54
0.1%
simple carrie r
Ca + Pro + Des/Pa/So
ext en d to Z
0.9%
affected-carrier
Af-Ca + Pro + Des/Pa/So
go to Z
80%
agent-carrier
Ag-Ca + Pro + Des/Pa/So
go to Z
19%
plus thir d party agent Ag + Pro + Af-Ca + Des/Pa/So
send to Z
4%
source
directional
99%
1%
one direction
path
go (away) from, leave X
go past / through, pass Y
95%
destination
go to, reach Z
90%
source-destination
0.99%
9%
two directions
path-destination
go from X t o Z
go via Y to Z
1%
source-path
go from X via Y
0.01%
source-path-destination
go from X via Y to Z
Figure 9: The major options in the ‘directional’ part of the TRANSITIVITY network
55
3.4.3 Directional Processes
3.4.3.2 Carrier + Process + Source and/or Path and/or Destination (infrequent)
(1) The flat country stretches / reaches / runs from the Rockies [So] across the great
plains of the Mid-West [Pa] to the Appalachians [Des]. (direction in space)
(2) The meeting lasted from nine [So] to twelve [Des]. (direction in time)
3.4.3.3 Affected-Carrier + Process + Source and/or Path and/or Destination
(fairly infrequent)
(3) Your suitcase has gone to Rome [Des].
(4) The parcel / baby left / departed from London [So] {yesterday}.
(5 It reached / arrived at Moscow [Des] {this morning}.
3.4.3.4 Agent-Carrier + Process + Source and/or Path and/or Destination
(7) Ivan has gone / returned to Russia [Des]
(8) He left / departed from London / here [So] {last week}.
(9) He went [Pro] away [PrEx] / departed from here [So] {on Monday}.
(10) He crossed / passed / skirted Poland [Pa].
56
3.4.3.5 Agent + Process + Affected-Carrier + Source and/or Path
and/or Destination
(21)
(22)
(25)
(26)
(27)
She sent / took / brought / posted the parcel to Moscow [Des].
Ivy sent / took / brought the parcel from London [So].
Fred took / walked / ran / drove / flew Fiona to London [Des].
Ike put their supper there / in there / on the table [Des]oblig.
He placed / hid their supper / himself in the cupboard [Des].
3.4.3.6 Agent + Process + Affected-Carrier + Affected-Source
(infrequent) and/or Affected-Path (very infrequent) and/or AffectedDestination
(29)
(30)
(31)
(32)
They took the stones out of the nearest wall [Af-So].
They drew the baby through the neck of the womb. [Af-Pa].
They threw stones at the police [Af-Des].
They aimed / fired / shot their arrows at the antelope [Af-Des].
57
99.9%
75%
simple
carrier
carrieroriented
Ca + Pro + Pos
have , own ,
lack
Pos + Pro + Ca
belong to
Af-Ca + Pro + Pos
cat ch (a cold),
lose
get , buy, choose,
sell, get rid of
give (a toy), sell ,
buy, take
give (a cold)
0.1%
possessedoriented
1%
possessive
affected-carrier
14%
agent-carrier
Ag-Ca + Pro + (Af-)Pos
10%
plus third party agent
Ag + Pro + Af-Ca + Af-Pos
Ag + Pro + Af-Ca + Pos
Figure 10: The major options in the ‘possessive’ part of the TRANSITIVITY network
58
3.4.4.2 Carrier + Process + Possessed
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(6)
(7)
Ike has a car / fair hair / a brother / a cold / a problem.
Ike owns a car.
My car lacks / needs / requires a new lock.
She had on / was wearing / was carrying a gold kimono.
The box contained two bars of gold.
She was wearing a chiffon scarf (= ‘had on’)
The group included /involved two children (= ‘had within it’).
The group comprised / was comprised five adults
(= ‘had as members’).
3.4.4.3 Possessed + Process + Carrier (infrequent)
(8) That car belongs to Ike.
59
3.4.4.4 Affected-Carrier + Process + Possession (or AffectedPossessed)
(9) Ivy got / caught Ike’s cold [Pos].
(10) She had a baby [Af-Pos].{last year}.
(11) Ivy received / lost the silver cup [Af-Pos].
3.4.4.5 Agent-Carrier + Process + Possessed (or Affected-Possessed)
(12) Fred [Ag-Ca] got / caught / got rid of his cold [Pos].
(13) Fred [Ag-Ca] got / acquired / chose / got rid of an old car [Af-Pos].
(14) She had a baby {last year}.
60
3.4.4.6 Agent + Process + Affected-Carrier + Possessed (or Affected Possessed)
See the note above in Section 3.4.4.4 on the Affected-Possession.
(17) Ike gave Ivy [Af-Ca] his cold [Pos] / that book [Af-Pos].
(18) He gave his cold [Pos] to Ivy [Af-Ca].
(19) He gave / sold / lent her [Af-Ca] the book [Af-Pos].
(20) Ike took / stole / bought / acquired the book [Af-Pos] from Ivy [Af-Ca].
(21) He [Ag] provided / equipped us [Af-Ca] with shovels [Af-Pos].
(22) The wind [Ag] robbed / deprived them [Af-Ca] of £15,000 [Af-Pos].
(23) He [Ag] helped me / himself [Af-Ca] to a whiskey [Pos].
(24) This cream [Ag] will protect you [Af-Ca] against / from sunburn / getting sunburnt
[Pos].
(25) It [Ag] will save you [Af-Ca] from [Pos] sunburn / your enemies [Pos].
61
50%
simple carrier
Ca + Pro + Mtch
5%
affected-carrier
Af-Ca + Pro + Mtch
matching
match, go with,
differ from
combine with ,
separate from
fit
35%
agent-carrier
Ag-Ca + Pro + Mtch
marry, combine with
separate from
Ag + Pro + Af-Ca + Mtch
match (up) with,
marry to, j oin to,
combine with,
separate from
10%
plus third party
agent
Figure 11: The major options in the ‘matching’ part of the TRANSITIVITY network
62
3.4.5.2 Carrier + Process + Matchee
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
The jacket matches / goes with / contrasts with / clashes with the trousers.
It suits / fits you, Sir.
The key fits the keyhole {nicely}.
That doesn’t fit ((in) with) the company’s plans.
That agrees / tallies / coincides with what we had expected.
The bill agrees with / differs / diverges from the prices in the menu.
He never deviates from the norm / the route.
Most - though not quite all -e occur in the following three related patterns:
(a) The jacket [Ca] matches [Pro] the trousers [Mtch].
(b) The jacket and trousers / They [Ca] match [Pro] each other [Mtch].
(c) The jacket and trousers / They [Ca] match [Pro] ([Mtch]).
(i.e. with a covert Matchee)
63
3.4.5.3 Affected-Carrier + Process + Matchee (infrequent)
The type with an Affected-Carrier occurs less frequently than the others, and they are all
the ‘joining’ types of ‘matching’ Process.
(8a)
(8b)
The oxygen combined with the hydrogen.
The flour combined / blended / mixed {smoothly} with the eggs.
So are they a different type? No, because ...
(a)
(b)
(c)
The flour [Ca] blended with [Pro] the eggs [Mtch].
The flour and eggs / They [Ca] blended with [Pro] each other [Mtch].
The flour and eggs / They [Ca] blended [Pro] ([Mtch]).
64
3.4.5.4 Agent-Carrier + Process + Matchee
(9) Eric married Alice.
(10) Eric got [Pro] married / engaged [PrEx] to / Alice.
(11) Eric separated from / divorced Alice.
(12) Eric got [Pro] divorced [PrEx] from her {last year}.
(13) Eric is dating / going [Pro] out [PrEx] with / having a relationship / affair
[PrEx] with / having it [C] off / away [PrEx] with / doing it with, having sex [PrEx]
with / sleeping with / fucking / screwing Alice.
65
3.4.5.5 Agent + Process + Affected-Carrier + Matchee
As with the other types of ‘matching’ Process, most of these Process-types occur
in the following three patterns (in which just the Matchee is underlined):
(a)
(b)
(c)
She [Ag] matched [Pro] the jacket [Af-Ca] to / with the trousers [Mtch].
She [Ag] matched [Pro] the jacket and trousers [Af-Ca] to / with each other [Mtch].
She [Ag] matched [Pro] the jacket and trousers [Af-Ca] ([Mtch]).
(i.e. with a covert Matchee)
(17a)
(17b)
(18)
(19)
(20)
(21)
The judge matched / fitted / suited the punishment to / with the crime.
Ike matched / fitted / the size of the drill to / with the hole.
The vicar introduced / married Eric to Alice.
He joined / fitted / fixed / glued / nailed / sewed / tied it to / onto the main part.
We’ll enrol you on the course {next Wednesday}
She blended / combined the eggs with / into the milk.
66
90%
60%
emotive
emoteroriented *
Em + Pro + Ph
like
10%
phenomenonoriented
Ph + Pro + Em
25%
emotion
amuse
40%
desiderative
Em + Pro + Ph
want
Perc + Pro + Ph
see
Ag-Perc + Pro + Ph
look at
Ag + Pro + Af-Perc + Ph
show
Cog + Pro + Ph
know
Af-Cog + Pro + Ph
realise
Ag-Cog + Pro + Ph
study
Ag + Pro + Af-Cog + Ph
tell
95%
simple perceiver
25%
mental
perception
4%
agent-perceiver
1%
plus third party agent
47%
simple cognizant
2%
50%
affected-cognizant
cognition
1%
agent-cognizant †
50%
plus third party agent
* then
99%
'simple' vs
1%
'plus matchee'
Em + Pro + Ph + Mtch
prefer
† then
99%
'simple' vs
1%
'plus matchee'
Ag-Cog + Pro + Ph + Mtch
compare
Figure 12: The major options in the ‘mental’ part of the TRANSITIVITY network
67
3.5.2.1 Emoter + Process + Phenomenon
3.5.2.1.2 ‘Emotive’ Process
Two types of ‘emotion’ Process: ‘emotive’ and ‘desiderative’ Processes
(1a) Ivy liked / loved / adored her teddy bear.
(1b) Ivy liked / loved / adored meeting Fred again / her visit to you.
(2a) Ivy disliked / hated / loathed her teddy bear.
(2b) Ivy disliked / hated / loathed meeting Fred again / her visit to you.
(3) Fred [S/Em] admires / envies Fiona [C/Ph] {(for) her confidence [A/Cau]}. (4a)
He’s [Pro] (very) pleased / glad / happy [PrEx] about [p] the results[Ph].
(4b) He’s [Pro] over the moon / ecstatic / delighted [PrEx] about [p] the results /
that she won [Ph].
(5) He wasn’t [Pro] satisfied / happy / content / comfortable [PrEx] with [p] the
results / that the results were so bad [Ph].
(6) He was [Pro] sad / unhappy / upset / fed up / pissed off / depressed [PrEx] about /
with [p] the results / that the results were so bad [Ph].
68
3.5.2.1.4 Desiderative Processes
(10)
(13)
(14)
(15)
(16)
(17)
(18)
(19)
(20)
(21)
Ivy [Em] wishes / hopes to go to China for her holiday [Ph].
He’s [Pro] longing PrEx] for Wednesday (to come) / to see you.
I [Em] ’m [Pro] anxious [PrEx] to see you as soon as possible
[Ph].
She [Em] hopes to arrive in time / that she ‘ll arrive in time.
She [Em] ’s [Pro] (very) hopeful [PrEx] of [p] arriving in time /
that she’ll arrive in time [Ph].
She fears / is [Pro] afraid [PrEx] that the results will be bad [Ph].
She [Em] ’s [Pro] optimistic / pessimistic [PrEx] that she’ll do it /
about her doing it [Ph].
I [Em] ’m looking [Pro] forward [PrEx] to [p] your visit on
Wednesday / to [p] seeing you again [Ph].
She [Em] is [Pro] eager to see you [Ph].
She [Em] is [Pro] keen [PrEx] to see you / on [p] seeing you /
69
your departure [Ph].

Cl
S/Em
M
C/Ph
Cl
(S/Ca) (I) (M) C/Pos
(23b) Ivy wants
(A/TP)
(to) (have) an apple (tomorrow).
Figure 13: The analysis of a ‘desiderative’ Process whose Phenomenon can be
reduced to one which at first appears to be filled by a simple nominal group
70
3.5.2.2 Phenomenon + Process + Emoter
(26) The children’s antics [Ph] amused / charmed / delighted / enraptured / entertained /
pleased / satisfied / suited / thrilled Ivy [Em].
(27) That [Ph] [really} cheered me [Em] up [PrEx].
(28) It [Ph] would gladden Ivy’s heart [PrEx, containing Ivy [Em]].
(29) That sort of behaviour [Ph] annoys / appals / disturbs / disgusts / grieves / saddens /
shocks / upsets / worries me [Em].
(30) That [Ph] [really} pisses me [Em] off [PrEx].
(32) It worries / upsets me [Em] that he isn’t doing well [Ph].
(33) It pleases / delights me [Em] that he’s doing so well [Ph].
(34) It matters (to us all [Em]) that the President of a major world power should be
reasonably intelligent [Ph].
71
3.5.2.3 Affected-Emoter + Process + Phenomenon (infrequent)
(35)
(36)
(38)
Ike [Af-Em] fell [Pro] {head over heels} in love [PrEx] with [p]
Ivy [Ph].
Fiona [Af-Em] fell out of love PrEx] with [p] Fred [Ph].(37)
Ike [Af-Em] fell [Pro] for [p] Ivy [Ph].
She [Af-Em] took [Pro] a liking / dislike [PrEx] to [p] him [Ph].
3.5.2.4 Emoter + Process + Phenomenon + Matchee (infrequent)
(39)
(40)
Ivy [Em] prefers her teddy bear [Ph] (to [p] yours) [Mtch].
Ivy [Em] prefers ordering things by phone [Ph] (to [p] going to
the shops [Mtch]).
72
3.5.3 Perception Processes
3.5.3.1 Perceiver + Process + Phenomenon
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
Ivy saw / noticed the castle.
Ivy smelt the sea / the carrots burning.
Ivy saw / heard Fred talking to Fiona.
Ivy looked at / watched / listened to Fred talking to Fiona.
Ivy smelt the sea / tasted garlic {in it} / felt the wind {on her
face}.
3.5.3.2 Agent-Perceiver + Process + Phenomenon
(6)
(7)
Ivy looked at / watched / observed the castle.
Ivy looked at / watched / listened to Fred talking to Fiona.
73
3.5.3.3 Agent + Process + Affected-Perceiver + Phenomenon
(infrequent)
(9a)
(10)
Ike showed Ivy the castle / where he lived.
Ike demonstrated / revealed to us how to open it.
3.5.3.4 Agent + Process + Phenomenon + Affected-Perceiver
(infrequent)
(9b)
(11)
(12)
Ike showed the castle to Ivy.
She concealed her feelings from him.
He revealed his innermost thoughts (to her).
74
3.5.4 Cognition Processes
3.5.4.1 Cognizant + Process + Phenomenon
(15)
(16)
(17)
(18)
(19a)
(19b)
I know / forget / remember (about) Fred / Fred’s name.
I know / forget / remember / think / consider that Fred is daft.
Ivy knew / thought / considered Fred (to be) daft.
I expect / I’m expecting that she’ll arrive soon.
his knowledge / memory of her arrival (event thing)
his assumptions / beliefs about the incident / matter. (event thing)
(20a) I [Cog] ’m [Pro] aware [PrEx] that / that she mayn’t be there
[Ph].
(20b) I [Cog] ’m [Pro] aware [PrEx] of her possible absence / it [Ph].
(21a) Are you [Cog] sure / certain / confident / convinced / positive
[PrEx] that she’ll be there? [Ph].
75
3.5.4.1.2 It + Process + Cognizant + Phenomenon
(25)
(26)
It seems / appears (to me [Cog]) that he’s doing pretty well [Ph].
It looks / sounds (to me [Cog]) as if he’s doing pretty well [Ph].
3.5.4.2 Affected-Cognizant + Process + Phenomenon
3.5.4.2.1 Unmarked Affected-Cognizant + Process + Phenomenon
(27)
(28)
(29)
Ivy realised / discovered / forgot that Fred lived in Edinburgh.
Ivy saw that Fred was wrong.
Ivy learnt French / how to do that.
3.5.4.2.2 It + Process + Affected-Cognizant + Phenomenon
(30)
It strikes me [Af-Cog] that he’s doing pretty well [Ph].
76
3.5.4.3 Agent-Cognizant + Process + Phenomenon
(31)
(32)
(33a)
(33b)
Ivy studied French / making paper flowers.
Ike considered her proposal / visiting Fred.
Ike decided / chose to / that he would visit Rome.
Ike planned a visit to Rome.
77
3.5.4.4 Agent + Process + Affected-Cognizant + Phenomenon
(‘communication’ Processes)
(34a)
(34b)
(34c)
(35)
(36a)
(36b)
(36c)
(39)
(40)
(41)
(36)
(39)
Ivy told Ike the answer / her name / about France.
Ivy told Ike (that) she loved him) / (about) how to open it.
Ivy taught (Ike) (French / about France / how to open it).
Ivy said ((to Ike)) that she loved him.
Ivy said ((to Ike)) : "I love you!”
"I love you!” [Ph] she [Ag] said [Pro] ((to him [(Af-Cog])).
"I love you!” [Ph] said [Pro] she [Ag] ((to him [(Af-Cog]))).
Ivy asked (Ike) whether he loved her.
She told / persuaded him to go.
And then she ’s like / goes (like) “I don’t want one!”
He reminded me to go back in May / that I should go back in
May / of your visit.
These foolish things remind me of you. (with an inanimate Ag)
78

Cl
S/Ag
M
C/Af-Cog
C/Ph
Cl
B S/Em M
(35) Ivy said
(37) Ivy thought
C/Ph
to Ike
that she loved him.
to herself that she loved him.
Figure 14: A Phenomenon filled by a clause
79

Cl
S/Ag
M
C/Af-Cog
C/Ph
"text"

Cl
OQ S/Em M C/Ph CQ
(36a)
(38)
Ivy said
to Ike
Ivy thought to herself
"
"
I
I
love you. "
love him. "
Figure 15: A Phenomenon filled by a text
80
3.5.4.5
(40)
(41)
(42)
Agent + Process + Phenomenon + Affected-Cognizant
(‘communication’ Processes)
Ivy taught French to Ike.
Ivy told the answer to Ike.
Ike whispered a comment to Ivy.
3.5.4.6 Affected-Cognizant + Process + Agent + Phenomenon
(‘communication’ Processes; infrequent)
(43)
Ivy heard / learnt from Fred that you were coming.
3.5.4.7 Affected-Cognizant + Process + Phenomenon + Agent
(‘communication’ Processes; infrequent)
(45)
Ivy heard / learnt the answer from Fred.
81
60%
as process
environmental
Pro
rain, snow
Pro + PrEx
be sunny, damp
40%
as process plus process extension
Figure 16: The two options in the ‘environmental’ part of the TRANSITIVITY network
3.6.2 It + Process (very few types)
(1)
It’s raining / snowing / hailing / freezing.
3.6.3 It + Process + Process Extension (very few types)
(2) It’s raining [Pro] cats and dogs [PrEx].
(3a) It is [Pro] sunny / cloudy / dull / hot / cold / nice [PrEx] {out} {today}.
(3b) It’s [Pro] boiling hot / freezing cold [PrEx] {today}.
82
90%
causative
Ag + Pro + Cre
5%
permissive
50%
1%
control*
enabling
Ag + Pro + Cre
Ag + Pro + Cre
Ag + Pro + Cre
enab le,
empower
stop (her)
from, avoid
dela y,
put off
begin, st art
Ag + Pro + Ra
keep, go on
Ag + Pro + Ra
stop, cease
Ag + Pro + Ra
Af + Pro + Ra
try , make
an effort
succeed
Af + Pro + Ra
fail
Af + Pro + Cre
begin, st art
Af + Pro + Ra
go on,
3%
preventative
Ag + Pro + Cre
1%
delaying
70%
with
agent
45%
50%
control of
stage of
process†
starting
make, cause,
get , have
allow, let
Ag + Pro + Ra
10%
continuing
40%
ceasing
5%
tentative‡
40%
influential
29.9%
10%
succeeding
success
60%
with
affected‡
failing
50%
90%
starting
stage of
process
10%
continuing
83
29.9%
success
with
affected‡
60%
failing
Af + Pro + Ra
fail
Af + Pro + Cre
begin, st art
Af + Pro + Ra
go on,
continue
stop, cease
50%
90%
starting
stage of
process
10%
continuing
40%
ceasing
Af + Pro + Ra
50%
0.1%
starting
environ mental
stage of process
10%
continuing
It + Pro + Cre
It + Pro + Ra
40%
ceasing
It + Pro + Ra
begin, st art
(raining)
go on, keep
(snowing)
stop, cease
(being sunny )
* = In almost all such Processes the Subject of the embedded clause must be overt.
† = The Subject of the embedded clause is usually covert, but occasionally overt.
‡ = In all such Processes the Subject of the embedded clause must be covert.
NB. 'helping' Processes are treated as 'action' Processes; see Section 3.3.7.
Figure 17: Some major options in the ‘influential’ part of the TRANSITIVITY network
84
3.7.2 Agent + Process + Created-Phenomenon
(1a)
(1b)
(2a)
(2b)
(2c)
(3a)
(3b)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7a)
(8a)
(8b)
Ivy made the branch / herself bend.
Ivy made / had Ike / herself read the letter.
Ivy got / caused / forced Ike to read the letter.
Ivy got / had the letter read / the shed painted green / her hair cut.
She kept him waiting {for an hour}.
Ivy ensured / saw / made sure that he got there in time.
Her sudden movement brought the vase crashing to the floor.
Ivy let the branch / herself bend.
She permitted / allowed / enabled Ivy to go immediately.
She enabled / empowered / authorized Ivy to go immediately.
Ivy prevented / stopped Ike / herself (from) reading the letter
(= ‘caused herself not to ....’ ).
Ivy started her daughter swimming {at two}.
Jane started swimming {at two}.
85

Cl
S/Ag M
C/Cre
Cl
(S/Ag)
M
A/TP
C/Ra
(1) Ike started
playing tennis when he was twelve.
(2) Ike started Venus playing tennis when she was four.
Figure 18: The analysis of two ‘influential’ Processes
86
3.7.3 Agent + Process + Phenomenon
(10a)
(10b)
(11)
(12)
(13)
(14)
(15)
Ivy kept / stopped Fred the engine running.
Ivy kept / stopped Fred / the engine running.
Ivy kept (on) / stopped / finished / quit working on the problem.
Ivy went on (with) / gave up (on) reading War and Peace.
She continued / ceased to read it.
She stopped reading it.
She stopped / gave up (on) (reading / writing) the book.
87
3.7.5 Affected + Process + Phenomenon
(19)
(20)
(21)
(22)
The girder kept on / stopped bending.
Ivy stopped swimming {when she was four}.
Ivy succeeded in reaching the summit.
Ike failed / managed to reach the summit.
88
50%
causing
Ca + Pro + Cre
Ca + Pro + Cre
result in , lead to,
cause, st art , involve
permit, allow
Ca + Pro + Cre
prevent, avoid, st op
10%
allowing
90%
10%
causeto-effect
preventing
15%
affecting
50%
10%
causal
ending
Ca + Pro + Af
Ca + Pro + Af
affect, inf luence ,
curb , encourage
end, halt , stop
Ca + Pro + Ra
require, necessit ate
Ca + Pro + Ra
result / stem from ,
b e due to
imply, ent ail, mean
5%
requiring
10%
effect-from-cause
10%
eventrelating
inferential
50%
premise-to-inference
Ca + Pro + Ra
50%
inference-from-premise
Ca + Pro + Ra
40%
earlier-to-later
30%
temporal
Ca + Pro + Ra
10%
coinciding
Ca + Pro + Ra
f ollow from ,
presuppose
pr ecede,
b e preceded by
coincide with
50%
later-to-earlier
Ca + Pro + Ra
60%
9%
identity
Ca + Pro + Ra
follow,
be followed by
be, symbolize
89
5%
requiring
Ca + Pro + Ra
require, necessit ate
Ca + Pro + Ra
result / stem from ,
b e due to
imply, ent ail, mean
10%
effect-from-cause
10%
eventrelating
inferential
50%
premise-to-inference
Ca + Pro + Ra
50%
inference-from-premise
Ca + Pro + Ra
40%
earlier-to-later
30%
temporal
Ca + Pro + Ra
10%
coinciding
Ca + Pro + Ra
f ollow from ,
presuppose
pr ecede,
b e preceded by
coincide with
50%
later-to-earlier
Ca + Pro + Ra
Ca + Pro + Ra
follow,
be followed by
be, symbolize
Ca + Pro + Ra
resemble, be like
Ca + Pro + Ra
con trast wit h,
differ from
be associated with,
(co-)occur with
60%
9%
comparison
identity
20%
simila rity
20%
difference
1%
simple co-occurrence
Ca + Pro + Ra
Figure 19: Some major options in the ‘event-relating’ part of the TRANSITIVITY network
90
3.8 Event-relating Processes
3.8.3 Carrier + Process + Created-Phenomenon
(1a)
(1b)
(3a)
(3b)
Fred’s losing his temper [Ca] led to / resulted in / brought about /
caused / Fiona’s abrupt departure [Cre].
The industrial revolution [Ca] started / began / initiated /
stimulated a series of changes in the social life of Britain that
continues to this day [Cre].
The defeat of the Icenii [Ca] let / allowed / permitted / enabled
the Roman Empire (to) spread northwards [Cre].
The defeat of the Icenii [Ca] made [Pro] it [C] possible [PrEx] for
it to spread northwards [Cre].
91
3.8.3 Carrier + Process + Affected-Phenomenon
(1)
The invention of gunpowder affected / influenced / modified
relations between China and her neighbours.
(2)
The subjugation of the neighbouring states encouraged /
improved / increased / speeded up the growth of the Emperor’s
power.
(3)
This / these events discouraged / inhibited / curbed / checked /
decreased / deterred / limited / restrained / slowed it / the
development of democracy (down) {for a while}.
92
3.8.4 Carrier + Process + Phenomenon
(1) Analyzing examples such as these satisfactorily requires /
necessitates / demands the ability to use a good descriptive
framework.
(2) The increase in deaths through starvation in Africa results from /
stemmed from / was due to climate change.
(3) The statement that the king of France is bald presupposes the
existence of a king of France.
(4) That a mushroom isn’t a plant [Ca] follows from the basic but little
known fact that fungi are not plants [Ra].
93
Relevant texts (and a useful database)
Fawcett, Robin P., 2008. Invitation to Systemic Functional
Linguistics through the Cardiff Grammar: an extension and
simplification of Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar (Third
Edition). London: Equinox. (Especially Chapters 4 and 13.)
Fawcett, Robin. P., 2009. ‘Seven problems to beware of when
analyzing Processes and Participant Roles in texts’. In Slembrouck,
Stef, Taverniers, Miriam, and Van Herreweghe, Mieke (eds),
From ‘will’ to ‘well’: Studies in Linguistics offered to Anne-Marie
Simon-Vandenbergen. Gent: Academia Press. 209-24.
Fawcett, Robin P., 2010a. How to Analyze Participant Roles - and
so Process Types - in English. ‘Work in progress’ draft for Chapter
2 of Fawcett forthcoming 2011c. Available from
[email protected]
94
Fawcett, Robin P., 2010b. How to Analyze Circumstantial Roles
- and other types of Adjunct - in English. ‘Work in progress’
draft for Chapter 3 of Fawcett forthcoming 2011c. Available
from [email protected]
Fawcett, Robin P., forthcoming 2011. The Functional Semantics
Handbook: Analyzing English at the Level of Meaning. London:
Equinox.
Neale, A., 2002. The Process Type Data Base. Available on
request via [email protected]
Neale, A., 2006. ‘Matching corpus data and system networks’.
In Thompson, G., and Hunston, S., (eds.), System and Corpus:
Exploring Connections. London: Equinox, 143-63.
95
Neale, A., forthcoming. Process Types and Participant Roles
in the English Clause: a New Systemic Functional Approach.
London: Equinox.
O’Donnell, Mick, Zappavigna, Michele and Whitelaw, Casey,
2008. ‘A survey of process type classification over difficult
cases’. In Jones, Carys, and Ventola, Eija, (eds) From
Language to Multimodalty. London: Equinox. 47-64.
A foretaste of Amy Neale’s data Base:
96
FORM
back
Occs of
form
COB
class
(& fig
where
poss)
2615 c4
(back with)
back up
back + mindir
back + mindir
back away
MEANING
Occ in 5
million
bet (I managed to back the winner for
once)
support (the organisation is backed by the
UN)
cover (this curtain lining is backed with
aluminium)
support (he backed this up with a few
more horrible anecdotes)
support (she backed him up)
62 c2
MET
LEVIN FEATURE
PARTICIPANT ROLE
CONFIGURATION
81 two role, plus range
Ag + Ra
two role, plus range
Ag + Ra
3 two role, plus affected
Ag + Af
10 two role, plus range
NOTES
Ag + Ra
Mex
two role, plus affected
Ag + Af
cf. attack; Mex
retreat (she backed up a few steps)
one role, agent only
Ag
movement' (for mindir
see key); Mex
reverse (you back up the car)
two role, plus affected
Ag + Af
reverse (you back up the car and I'll get
the cases)
(she backed up to the wall)
two role, plus affected
Ag + Af
movement'; Mex
directional, agent carrier
Ag-Ca + Des
movement'; Mex
(she backed the car up to the wall)
directional, plus 3 p Ag
Ag + Af-Ca + Des
movement'; Mex
move/reverse (the waitress rose and
backed away)
down/ off/ out/ up
(NB. other MWV's
to go in)
bake
CARDIFF GRAMMAR FEATURE
cook (she said she would bake a cake to
celebrate)
29 directional, agent carrier
Ag + Des
?
31?
two role, plus created
verb of creation and
transformation - build verb
and verb of preparing/ verb of
change of state - cooking verb
Ag (+ Cre)
cakes/bread
potatoes/apples
(she baked the potatoes)
two role, plus affected
Ag + Af
(the potatoes baked slowly)
one role, affected only
Af
two role, plus affected
Ag + Af
one role, agent only
Ag
harden by heat (cricket pitches bake in the
Mediterranean sun)
(she wanted to bake, or do anything)
(you can bake by day and shiver by night)
31?
one role, affected only
An example from Amy Neale’s PTDB
97
FORM
back
Occs of COB
form
class
(& fig
where
poss)
2615 c4
(back with)
back up
back + mindir
back + mindir
back away
MEANING
Occ in 5
million
bet (I managed to back the winner for
once)
support (the organisation is backed by the
UN)
cover (this curtain lining is backed with
aluminium)
support (he backed this up with a few
more horrible anecdotes)
support (she backed him up)
62 c2
two role, plus range
3 two role, plus affected
10 two role, plus range
two role, plus affected
retreat (she backed up a few steps)
one role, agent only
reverse (you back up the car)
two role, plus affected
reverse (you back up the car and I'll get
the cases)
(she backed up to the wall)
two role, plus affected
(she backed the car up to the wall)
directional, plus 3 p Ag
MET
cook (she said she would bake a cake to
celebrate)
directional, agent carrier
29 directional, agent carrier
?
31?
two role, plus created
(she baked the potatoes)
two role, plus affected
(the potatoes baked slowly)
one role, affected only
harden by heat (cricket pitches bake in the
Mediterranean sun)
(she wanted to bake, or do anything)
(you can bake by day and shiver by night)
LEVIN FEATURE
81 two role, plus range
move/reverse (the waitress rose and
backed away)
down/ off/ out/ up
(NB. other MWV's
to go in)
bake
CARDIFF GRAMMAR FEATURE
31?
verb of creation and
transformation - build verb
and verb of preparing/ verb of
change of state - cooking verb
two role, plus affected
one role, agent only
one role, affected only
98
FORM
back
Occs of COB
form
class
(& fig
where
poss)
2615 c4
(back with)
back up
back + mindir
back + mindir
MEANING
Occ in 5
million
bet (I managed to back the winner for
once)
support (the organisation is backed by the
UN)
cover (this curtain lining is backed with
aluminium)
support (he backed this up with a few
more horrible anecdotes)
support (she backed him up)
62 c2
MET
PARTICIPANT ROLE
CONFIGURATION
81 two role, plus range
Ag + Ra
two role, plus range
Ag + Ra
3 two role, plus affected
Ag + Af
Ag + Ra
two role, plus affected
Ag + Af
retreat (she backed up a few steps)
one role, agent only
Ag
reverse (you back up the car)
two role, plus affected
Ag + Af
reverse (you back up the car and I'll get
the cases)
(she backed up to the wall)
two role, plus affected
Ag + Af
directional, agent carrier
Ag-Ca + Des
directional, plus 3 p Ag
Ag + Af-Ca + Des
move/reverse (the waitress rose and
backed away)
down/ off/ out/ up
(NB. other MWV's
to go in)
bake
LEVIN FEATURE
10 two role, plus range
(she backed the car up to the wall)
back away
CARDIFF GRAMMAR FEATURE
cook (she said she would bake a cake to
celebrate)
29 directional, agent carrier
Ag + Des
?
31?
two role, plus created
verb of creation and
transformation - build verb
and verb of preparing/ verb of
change of state - cooking verb
Ag (+ Cre)
(she baked the potatoes)
two role, plus affected
Ag + Af
(the potatoes baked slowly)
one role, affected only
Af
two role, plus affected
Ag + Af
one role, agent only
Ag
harden by heat (cricket pitches bake in the
Mediterranean sun)
(she wanted to bake, or do anything)
(you can bake by day and shiver by night)
31?
one role, affected only
99
Finally:
Working in pairs, analyzing examples (yours or ours).
Conclusions – question, comments, requests.
100
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