Samir Ben Si Saïd
[email protected]
Markéta Ziková
[email protected]
Tobias Scheer
[email protected]
University of Brno
Manchester Phonology Meeting 17
28-30 May 2009
University of Nice, CNRS 6039
1
(1) to explore a potential of autosegmental representations that has lied waste
thus far
a. association of pieces of melody and syllabic constituents is not
necessarily automatic
Classes
Clusters
Examples
Class 2
VCCC
aDêfl, iSSêw, uSSên, asfêl, awrên, iDmêr, alwês
Class 3
VCVC
amur, afus, agus, iDim, amud, asif, iGil
2. the lexicon: melodic items are lexically specified for associating or
not
==> here: vowel-zero alternations in Polish and Czech
Class 4
VCVCVC
azuliG, aBaliG, aGanim, aBagus
Class 5
VCVCC
aqalêB, iBiqês, azarêz, asawên, asulêf
Class 6
VCCiCiVC
azêqquṛ, aDêbbuz, aSêbbaç, aSêllul, asêqqif
3. socio-linguistics: the socio-linguistic situation decides
==> French liaison with and without enchaînement
Association under grammatical (morphological ) control:
3
b.
between C1 and C2 of a C1C2C3V cluster C1__C2C3V
c.
between a consonant and geminate C__C:
a.
b.
(7)
elbow Gsg, Nsg, adj.
Polish
wojøn-a
wojen
wojen-ny
war Nsg, Gpl, adj.
Examples of “A association” in the external plural are given in a-items below. b-items show that not all nouns
possess an underlying A: no A surfaces in either sg or pl.
Plural
Gloss
8.a
a͋lim
iÍ‹êlma-n
skin
amzur
imêzra-n
hair
uzzal
uzla-n
iron
afzim
ifzim-n
brooch
amDun
imDun-n
basin
axxam
ixxam-n
home
asêqqif
isêqfa-n
threshold
azêqqurQ
izêG‹rQa-n
piece of wood
aSêbbaC
iSêBCa-n
wire netting
alêqqam
ilêqqam-n
grafted tree
ifeddix
ifeddix-n
Bruise
aħêlluf
iħêlluf-n
Pig
asif
isaff-n
river
afuD
ifadd-n
Leg
amud
imudd-n
dry measure
aBux
iBuxx-n
Soot
8.b
6.b
3.a
3.b
\
(11)
/
V
\
C
V
/
C
\
V
/
A
I
U
[a]
[i]
[u]
[ê]/Œ
b.
The singular is non-templatic in the sense that it does not impose a specific size to all singulars.
c.
However, each noun class (cf. section IV, table ©) has its own template (in the sg)
V
C
V
boar (masc.)
alwês
ilwsa-n
aSSiw-n
brother-in-law
big eye
iSSrêw
attiw-n
aSSriw-n
amrar
aDrar
imurar
iDurar
cord
amkan
aBêqqa
imuCan
place
iBêqqaj-n
slap
agurbi
aÍuDu
igurbij-n
iÍuDuj-n
shack
aGênZa
iGênZaw-n
spoon
amêCsa
imêCsaw-n
shepherd
izêm
izmaw-n
lion
wing
T-ilêf-T
afriw-n
T-ilfaT-in
T-alwês-T
T-ilwsaT-in
sister-in-law
iSSêw
ittQêw
ifêr
4 3 2 1
4
2
CS sъ pьs-ъmь > ocz se pøs-emø
"with the dog"
5 4 3 2 1
4
2
CS sъ šьv-ьc-ьmь > ocz sø šev-øcemø
"with the
shoemaker"
V
C
V
\
V
C
/
V
C
/
C
V
/
\
C
V
C
|
|
f
A
|
T
I
C
V
C
V
|
|
|
|
\
s
q
I
f
V
C
/
q
V
V
C
V
C
/
V
C
V
|
|
|
|
\
s
q
I
f
C
C
|
T
A
C
V
V
V
C
\
V
C
V
/
|
\
A
C
V
C
\
C
f
V
[isêqfan] “thresholds”
|
T
\
C
V
C
/
|
I
V
n
C
/|
|
A
s
C
V
/
|
|\
f
U
C
V
C
/
|
V
V
C
V
C
/
A
V
vowel
V
\
C
/
V
V
C
\
s
V
/
U
C
p ǐ
C__C-ø
C__C-CV
Cz
dom-øk-u
ocz dommcz dom-
dom-ek
dom-eč-øk-u
Po
pøs-a
opol
mpol
pies
pies-øk-a
ø č-ek
e č-ek
p ø s-ek
p ie s-ek
Havlík
Lower
Old Polish
Old Czech
Moroccan Arabic
German
French
Modern Polish
Modern Czech
Russian
(26)
ps-a
"dog" Nsg, Gsg
les
les-a
"forest" Nsg, Gsg
pies
ps-a
"dog" Nsg, Gsg
bies
bies-a
"devil" Nsg, Gsg
C
\
z
C
\
U
V
C
V
C
V
/
|
|
|
\
z
A1
l
C
A
e2
C
e1
#
s ǐ
Scheer (2004, 2005), Ziková
(2008)
O
x
x
O
|
|
|
|
|
p e
s
p
s
p
e
V
C
V
C
/
|
|
l
A
|
T
V
C
/
|
T
V
N
O
N
N
O
N
|
e
s
lateral abilities (who is a good governor?)
full nuclei: are good governors (-e below)
empty nuclei: are not good governors (the last nucleus below)
governed nuclei: are not good governors (second but last nucleus below)
Government is an association inhibitor:
floating pieces of melody can only associate to ungoverned nuclei
(21)
V
sg. class 8 : 7 CV
[uzzal] “iron”
V → V
/ __C0
C
V
pl. 7 CV-template
|
n
[uzlan] “irons”
b. loket NOMsg
c. loket-ní adjective
Gvt
Gvt
Gvt
Havlík vs. Lower in the Government-based analysis
non-cyclic (Havlík) vs. cyclic (Lower) application of Government
a.
government-based Lower derives the Havlík pattern if applied non-cyclically to the
overall string (i.e. if the string is made of just one single cycle/phase)
because
b.
right-to-left directionality is in-built: Government is defined as a head-final lateral
relation, and strings are therefore processed from right to left. This is a general
characteristic of Government that owes nothing to Slavic languages or yers.
f.
x x x
x x
x x x
x
x x x
x
x x
Lower language:
-ek is cyclic
- case-markers are non-cyclic
| | |
| |
| | |
|
| | |
|
| |
g.
diachronically, all that has happened between Old Czech/Polish and Modern
Czech/Polish is that -ek has become cyclic.
as many phases as there –ek’s
Mod Cz dom-eč-ek “house double dim”
phase 2
phase 1
phase 3
Gvt
C V C V
e k
i
N
v
N
-
O
N
-
|
i
t
ý
skøl-ov-it-ý
o
m
N
-
e
k
u
dom-øk-u
|
C V C V
C V
|
|
|
d o m
-
Phase impenetrability: the
association created in phase 2
cannot be undone
Gvt
e k
Gvt
C V C V
C V
C V
|
|
|
|
|
d o m
-
phase boundary
e k
-
Conclusion
2. grammatical
- regular templatic morphology
- Kabyle Berber
c. loket-ní adj.
-
-
1. lexical: (Slavic) vowel-zero alternations
b. loket Nsg
e k
ý
o v
b. association of a piece of melody and a constituent may be under three kinds
of control:
a. lokøt-e Gsg
-
d
í
Havlík language:
-ek is non-cyclic (i.e. the previous string and the suffix form a single phase)
- case-markers are non-cyclic
d o m
t
-
|
e n
e.
|
|
t
classical autosegmental analysis: alternating vowels
are floating pieces of melody (Rubach 1986)
Hasn’t changed in OT: Yearly (1995)
Czech "elbow"
|
l
v
O
o k e
affixes may or may not be cyclic, i.e. may or may not trigger interpretation (a
phase):
Halle & Vergnaud (1987), Kaye (1995)
|
|
-
l
d.
|
|
N
t
affixes have the same lexical representation in Havlík and Lower languages.
|
k e
a. exploration of a logical possibility that is offered by autosegmental
representations:
all items of a representation, including association lines (i.e. not just
constituents and pieces of melody),
- may have lexical properties
- may be manipulated by phonological computation
c.
b. ==> the cyclic nature of Lower has become largely consensual.
O
o k e
í
C V
N
l
e n
C V
O
e
|
s
Gvt
t
d o m
|
-ek cannot associate to governed nuclei
o k e
t
C V C V
o
l
o k e
Gvt
l
|
l
Gvt
e
|
|
|
|
|
t
a. cyclic application of Lower
Rubach (1984:184ff), Rubach (1993:139f)
the string is parsed from left to right, following morphological structure:
Pol buł-ecz-ek "bread roll, dim Gpl" = [[[[buł] ǐk] ǐk] ]
|
|
o k e
OCz dom-øč-ek “house double dim”
O
|
l
in order to make all floating vowels (but the last) appear on the surface,
some special provision must be made
-
|
e
(22) sequences of alternating vowels
N
|
t
Havlík: non-cyclic -ek
one single phase covers the stem
and all affixes
O
|
o k e
|
N
|
l
V
|
Gvt
|
|
e k
Gvt
|
|
|
|
o
|
|
x
|
|
k
|
C V
|
vs.
|
suffix –ek “diminutive”
C V
O
|
|
Lower
a floating vowel is associated to an x-slot iff it occurs before another
floating vowel (Rubach 1986, Kenstowicz & Rubach 1987)
C V
N
(32) Association under Control
[ifassên] “hands”
C V C V C V
stable vowel
C V C V C V C V
|
l o k e t e n í
Gvt
NOMsg
C V C V C V
|
l o k e t e
o
C V C V C V
Gvt
regular analysis of the Lower pattern
l
12
|
"dream Nsg, Gsg"
k e
c. loket-ní adjective
|
sn-á
s
b. loket NOMsg
|
són
|
a. lokt-e GENsg
|
o-zero
Gvt
Czech "elbow"
|
"day Nsg, Gsg"
|
sk
|
dn'-á
|
|
|
d'én'
Cz skøl-ov-itý “glassily”
C V
|
O
Government relations hold between syllabic constituents, hence x-slots
cannot be created during a derivation.
a. lokt-e GENsg
(27)
-o is NOT a yer: it remains stable
-ov associates to governed nuclei
Gussmann & Kaye (1993)
lexical ingredients
10
b. they must be lexically floating
for otherwise they would be unable to land in the final empty
nucleus of the stem. We know that this is where they land because
the trigger vowel-zero alternations.
c. illustration
|
e-zero
a. they must be lexically associated
recall that this is the definition of the contrast between stable and
alternating vowels
e
|
"beaver Gsg, Nsg"
(30) contradiction for stable suffix-initial vowels
|
"beaver fur"
/bobr-/
kocioł kotøł -ow-y boiler Gsg, Nsg, adj.
O
/bobø-/
bóbr
Polish kotøł-a
alternating vowel
bob'ór
bobr-á
skøl-ov-it-ý glass Ng, Gpl, glassy
b. floating vowels fall into two groups
- those that can associate to any nucleus ==> -ov
- those that can associate only to ungoverned nuclei ==> -ek
[Ziková 2008]
bobr-á
"caress Nsg, Gpl"
skel
a. the stable/alternating distinction is a lexical property of
==> the melody
of the vowel
Czech pes ‘dog’ Nsg
Rubach (1986)
gloss
(31) solution
C V C V C V C V
/lask-/
Czech skøl-o
root
stable vowels are lexically associated to their nucleus
e.
CøC-ov-V
C V C V C V -
alternating vowels are
1. pieces of melody that are
2. lexically unassociated to their nucleus
b.
CeC
Gvt
Lower: cyclic suffixes
n
A1
C
C V C V C V
lásk
CøC-V
Cz *skel-o “glass (NOMsg)”
C V C V C V
lásk-a
b. adj. -ov is stable:
- it triggers the absence of a preceding alternating vowel
- it does not alternate itself
general properties of Government in CVCV
Scheer (2004, 2005), Ziková (2008)
d.
pes
l o k e t e
a. diminutive -ek is alternating:
Po pies-ek, pies-øk-a
Cz dom-ek, dom-øk-u
suffixal-initial vowels must
float
"weasel Nsg, Gpl"
(20)
d. the regular contrast (lexically associated vs. unassociated pieces of melody)
is not available in the Government-based analysis.
(29) examples
e vocalization
c.
|
C
__C V
|
c. A branches, damage caused: loss of A1 and degemination of C1 as a
consequence of the vowel dropping.
V
bułk-a
/lasøk-/
[TisêqfaTin] “small thresholds”
pl. 7 CV-template
buł-k-a
lások
7
[afus] “hand”
—
lásk-a
fem. pl. 9 CV
sg. class 3: 5 CV
d. buł-ǐk-a
closed syllable
c. several vowels may alternate with zero whereby their quality may not be
predicted: it is a lexical property of the morpheme.
==> melodies of alternating vowels must be present in the lexicon.
Eastern Slavic, e.g. Russian:
pl. 8 CV-template
__C yer C yer #
(25) Lower describes a lateral and regressive relationship between vowels
vs.
[asêqqif] “threshold”
bułecz-ek
Government-based analysis of vowel-zero alternations
b. the location of alternating vowels in the string cannot be predicted: it is a
lexical property of each morpheme
==> the location of the alternating vowels must be lexically specified
e.g. Russian
sg. class 6: 8 CV-template
n
V
A
V
U
V
I
C
9
C__C-yer Cø
Polish
|
C
/
V
buł-ecz-ek
step 1: non-vocalisation of e1 (no following floating e)
step 2: vocalisation of e2 (presence of a following floating e)
step 3: vocalisation of e3 (presence of a following floating e)
==> result: CeCeC#
[correct result: CøCeCø#]
C__C-V
Czech
b. A branches, gemination of C2, damage caused: loss of U
tip
sow
|
I
horn
mountain
C
C
C
green vegetable
/
I
As we can observe, the external plurals may present items that are absent
in the singular.
ilfa-n
C
s
\
\
ilêf
V
A
|
T
side of the chest
C
\
V
iDmar-n
Lower
vocalises all of them.
a. typically, whether a vowel alternates with zero or not cannot be predicted
from its quality
==> alternating and non-alternating vowels must be lexically distinct
==> note the behaviour of -T, which eats up space but cannot appear on the surface (it is pronounced only in the
feminine plural in -in, i.e. before a full vowel.
buł-ecz-ek-
e3
desiderata for an analysis
a. A branches, damage caused: loss of I and degemination of C2 as a consequence of the vowel dropping.
C
Gloss
C
(19) properties and consequences of vowel-zero alternations
1) Class 2: e.g. argaz : VCCVC : 5 CV-template
2) Class 6: e.g. azêqqur: VCCiCiVC: 8 CV-template
3) Class 3: e.g. asif: VCVC: 5 CV-template
c. buł-ǐcz-ǐk-
|
b. examples
I propose in Ben Si Said (in prep.) that the external plural template in Kabyle is (minimally) made of
7 [CV].
__C yer #
|
a. Havlík and Lower may not coexist within a given language:
languages follow either one or the other pattern.
templates in Kabyle
bułek
|
Havlík
vocalises every other, counting from the right margin.
(18) a parameter
6
buł-ek
a.
a.
CV
|
A/I/U/ Œ
a.
Absence vs. presence of melodic items in external plural formation
iDmêr
T
C
C
fox
w
V
buł-ek-
x
zero
Different semantic values
sex: male ~ female = amGar “old man” ~ T-amGar-T “old woman”
size: diminutive = asif “river” ~ T-asif-T “small river”
augmentative = T-ittQ “eye” ~ ittQ “big eye”
inclusion: collective ~ singulative = awêttQuf “ants” ~ T-awêttQuf-T “one
ant”
pejorative: argaz “man” ~ T-argaz-T “weakling”
T-amêttQu-T “woman” ~ amêttQu “mannish”.
A
j
C
b. buł-ǐk-
x
open syllable
==> if lexically present, A receives the order to branch in the plural, and thus appears as such on the surface.
uSSan-n
U
V
__C yer C V
x
Following Lowenstamm (1991) and Bendjaballah (1996, 1999), I adopt the hypothesis that
peripheral vowels are underlyingly long in Kabyle: melodic material associated to a single
position appears as schwa.
C
bułeczk-a
(15) they fall into two patterns according to how sequences of
alternating vowels behave:
b. Peripheral vowels
V
buł-ecz-ǐk-a buł-ecz-k-a
the classical analysis is unable to derive the Havlík pattern
Templatic analysis
C
a. buł-ǐcz-ǐk-a
e. even if there were a means to do that, the result would be wrong:
on the assumption that stray erasure of floating melodies occurs only at the end of
the entire derivation,
CьCьCь#
parsed right-to-left in a single cycle produces
(17) Havlík vs. Lower: illustration
a. Templates
Templates are a fixed sequence of CV positions that serves is associated to some morpho-semantic value.
The melodic material of the lexical items must comply with this skeleton when it instantiates the morphosemantic value at hand.
c. like everywhere else in Slavic languages, the contrast between alternating
and stable vowels is a lexical property of each morpheme and therefore
needs to be recorded in the lexicon.
b. suffixes whose vowel does alternate with zero
d. what would be needed is a right-to-left parsing, but there is no way to enforce this
kind of anti-cyclic derivation.
(16) Havlík's Law: illustration
When A is lexically present, it appears in the pl.
==> If lexically present, A is a plural marker in external plurals. Hence it is subject to an order to appear on the
surface, even if its appearance causes damage elsewhere in the root.
a. suffixes whose vowel does not alternate with zero (= suffixes with stable Vs)
c. Rubach's (1984) additional specification that Lower is a cyclic rule ensures that
strings are processed from left-to-right.
Lower vs. Havlík
b.
The feminine in Kabyle
in Kabyle a specific morphological formation is called "feminine" but
actually covers a number of semantic values (Chaker 1998).
surface appearance
sg: T-√-T
pl: T-√-in
uSSên
I
5
(12) The association of A in external plural
Plural =
Presence
war Nsg, Gpl, adj.
loket-ní
e.g. /aDêbbuz/
Singular =
Absence
vojén-nɨj
loket
e.g. /idêflan/
item
absent
in sg.
vójen
lokøt-e
 |êCV| is forbidden in Kabyle Berber.
(6)
C__C-CV
Czech
note that the alternation of initial sg a  pl i occurs in 97% of nouns.
It is probably a prefixed (unproductive?) article (which however cannot be
dissociated from the root). This alternation plays no role in the
demonstration below.
a.
C__C#
argaz, uzzal, afrux, axxam, afraÍ, afzim, azniq
(10)
Schwa in Kabyle
The occurrence of schwa is predictable in Kabyle. As described by Chaker
(1983), schwa occurs in the following environments:
between two consonants in a word-final consonant C__C# e.g. /izêm/
gloss
VCCVC
Singular
Kabyle plural
two types of plural:
“external” plural, called “N plural” and it is characterized by the
suffixation of –N to the singular:
iTBir  iTBir-n “pigeon”
vowel
in closed syllables
Class 8
noun classes
8–6-3
“internal” plural or “A plural” and it is characterized by changing in the
quality of the vowels and A in last position
aGanim  iGunam “reed”
(5)
basic pattern of Slavic vowel-zero alternations, no variation
C__C-V
surface
relevant yer
occurs in
b. the classical Lower rule does not provide any indication whether a given string
should be processed from left to right, right to left or in any other way. It is therefore
unclear how the Lower rule should be applied when a string needs to be processed
- that makes a single cycle/phase
- and that contains more than two alternating vowels in a row.
amêhraz, igêrgis, afêrfuD, asêfru, akêrfuf, amêCsa, imênsi
The external plural agent A in Kabyle Berber
(4)
Scheer (2004)
zero
in open syllables
(28) there are two types of vowel-initial suffixes
a. the generative literature does not consider the Havlík pattern. It is therefore difficult
to determine what an analysis in terms of the classical Lower rule or OT-adapted
versions thereof would look like.
VCCCVC
6.a
(3) outline
in Kabyle nouns whose root bears an A, this A must branch in external
plurals.
even if this branching affects the rest of the root: loss of segmental
material.
while the plural observes templatic restrictions, this cannot be the result of
regular templatic activity: the branching of A is systematically favoured
over other ways to fill in the templatic space.
==> there is a specific order issued by plural formation that requires the A
to branch.
a. zero in open syllables (Cz lokøt-e)
(14)
Stable vs. alternating suffix-initial vowels
(24) the Lower rule cannot be adapted to Havlík
Class 7
(2) typical situation in Semitic
grammatical control over association
b. ==> C2 receives an "order" to associate
(13) all vowel-zero alternations share
Russian vojøn-á
(9)
(piece of) a morpheme
8
(Slavic) vowel-zero alternations
b. vowel in closed syllables (Cz loket, loket-ní)
1. grammar: morphology issues an order, association is a (piece of a)
morpheme
==> typical property of templatic morphology: Arabic etc., here
Kabyle Berber
a. example: the gemination of the middle consonant of a triconsonantal root
may be a morpheme, i.e. only marker of the grammatical category in
question:
C1VC2VC3 - unmarked meaning
C1VC2C2VC3 - intensive/iterative meaning
4
I’ve classified the nouns according to their cluster in the singular form. Examples are given in
the following table
b. it may be governed by
regular templatic morphology found in Semitic
lexical specification of pieces of melody
A has priority in external plural formation
(8)
yerdeletion →
underlying → Lower →
Association under lexical control:
The examples given in (8) reveal underlying melodic items which surface only in plural and which are not
predictable
==> These items are present in the lexicon and they belong to the root but for some reason are absent in
the singular.
purpose
2
Association under Control
this poster and some of the
references quoted at
www.unice.fr/dsl/tobias.htm
11
(23) derivation of the Lower pattern by cyclic application of the Lower rule
sample derivations showing the cyclic application of Lower
Pol bułka "bread roll“ (alternating vowels are called yers in Slavic)
e k
3. sociological
French: liaison with and without enchaînement
[Encrevé 1988, Encrevé & Scheer 2005]
with enchaînement: j'avais [z] un rêve
without enchaînement: j'avais [z | ʔ] un rêve
13
References
Bendjaballah, S. 1996 Aspects du système verbal du berbère (Kabyle). DEA Dissertation,
Université de Paris 7.
Bendjaballah, S. 1999. Trois figures de la structure interne des gabarits: activité morphologique
du niveau squelettal des représentations phonologiques en berbère, somali et béja. PhD
dissertation, Université de Paris 7.
Ben Si Saïd, S. (in prep.) La formation du pluriel en kabyle. MA thesis. Université de Nice.
Chaker, Salem 1983 Un parler berbère d'Algérie (syntaxe), Aix-en-Provence, Publications de
l'Université de Provence.
Chaker, S. 1998. Genre grammatical (masculin/féminin). Encyclopédie Berbère, tome XX,
3042-3045.
Encrevé, Pierre 1988. La liaison avec et sans enchaînement: phonologie tridimensionnelle et
usages du français. Paris: Seuil.
Encrevé, Pierre & Tobias Scheer 2005. Autosegmental association is not automatic. Paper
presented at the 13th Manchester Phonology Meeting, Manchester 26-28 May.
Gussmann, Edmund & Jonathan Kaye 1993. Polish notes from a Dubrovnik Café: I. The yers.
SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics and Phonetics 3: 427-462.
Halle, Morris & Jean-Roger Vergnaud 1987. An Essay on Stress. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.
Kaye, Jonathan 1995. Derivations and Interfaces. Frontiers of Phonology, edited by Jacques
Durand & Francis Katamba, 289-332. London & New York: Longman. Also in SOAS Working
Papers in Linguistics and Phonetics 3, 1993, 90-126.Kenstowicz, Michael & Jerzy
Lowenstamm, J. 1991. Vocalic length and syllable structure in Semitic, in Kaye A.S. (ed.),
Semitic Studies in Honor of Wolf Leslau on the Occasion of his 85th Birthday, Wiesbaden,
Harrassowitz
Rubach 1987. The Phonology of Syllabic Nuclei in Slovak. Language 63: 463-497.
Rubach, Jerzy 1984. Cyclic and Lexical Phonology: The Structure of Polish. Dordrecht: Foris.
Rubach, Jerzy 1986. Abstract vowels in three dimensional phonology: the yers. The Linguistic
Review 5: 247-280.
Rubach, Jerzy 1993. The Lexical Phonology of Slovak. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Scheer, Tobias 2004. A Lateral Theory of Phonology. Vol.1: What is CVCV, and why should it
be? Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Scheer, Tobias 2005. Slavic Vowel-Zero Alternations and Government Phonology: Two
Approaches, One Solution. Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics 13: The South Carolina
Meeting, edited by Steven Franks, Frank Gladney & Mila Tasseva-Kurktchieva, 300-311. Ann
Arbor: Michigan Slavic Publications.
Yearley, Jennifer 1995. Jer vowels in Russian. Papers in Optimality Theory, edited by J.
Beckman, S. Urbanczyk & L. Walsh, 533-571. Amherst, Mass.: GSLA.
Ziková, Markéta 2008. Alternace e-nula v současné češtině. Autosegmentální analýza. Ph.D
dissertation, Masarykova Univerzita v Brně.
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