Samir Ben Si Saïd email@example.com Markéta Ziková firstname.lastname@example.org Tobias Scheer email@example.com University of Brno Manchester Phonology Meeting 17 28-30 May 2009 University of Nice, CNRS 6039 1 (1) to explore a potential of autosegmental representations that has lied waste thus far a. association of pieces of melody and syllabic constituents is not necessarily automatic Classes Clusters Examples Class 2 VCCC aDêfl, iSSêw, uSSên, asfêl, awrên, iDmêr, alwês Class 3 VCVC amur, afus, agus, iDim, amud, asif, iGil 2. the lexicon: melodic items are lexically specified for associating or not ==> here: vowel-zero alternations in Polish and Czech Class 4 VCVCVC azuliG, aBaliG, aGanim, aBagus Class 5 VCVCC aqalêB, iBiqês, azarêz, asawên, asulêf Class 6 VCCiCiVC azêqquṛ, aDêbbuz, aSêbbaç, aSêllul, asêqqif 3. socio-linguistics: the socio-linguistic situation decides ==> French liaison with and without enchaînement Association under grammatical (morphological ) control: 3 b. between C1 and C2 of a C1C2C3V cluster C1__C2C3V c. between a consonant and geminate C__C: a. b. (7) elbow Gsg, Nsg, adj. Polish wojøn-a wojen wojen-ny war Nsg, Gpl, adj. Examples of “A association” in the external plural are given in a-items below. b-items show that not all nouns possess an underlying A: no A surfaces in either sg or pl. Plural Gloss 8.a aÍ‹lim iÍ‹êlma-n skin amzur imêzra-n hair uzzal uzla-n iron afzim ifzim-n brooch amDun imDun-n basin axxam ixxam-n home asêqqif isêqfa-n threshold azêqqurQ izêG‹rQa-n piece of wood aSêbbaC iSêBCa-n wire netting alêqqam ilêqqam-n grafted tree ifeddix ifeddix-n Bruise aħêlluf iħêlluf-n Pig asif isaff-n river afuD ifadd-n Leg amud imudd-n dry measure aBux iBuxx-n Soot 8.b 6.b 3.a 3.b \ (11) / V \ C V / C \ V / A I U [a] [i] [u] [ê]/Œ b. The singular is non-templatic in the sense that it does not impose a specific size to all singulars. c. However, each noun class (cf. section IV, table ©) has its own template (in the sg) V C V boar (masc.) alwês ilwsa-n aSSiw-n brother-in-law big eye iSSrêw attiw-n aSSriw-n amrar aDrar imurar iDurar cord amkan aBêqqa imuCan place iBêqqaj-n slap agurbi aÍuDu igurbij-n iÍuDuj-n shack aGênZa iGênZaw-n spoon amêCsa imêCsaw-n shepherd izêm izmaw-n lion wing T-ilêf-T afriw-n T-ilfaT-in T-alwês-T T-ilwsaT-in sister-in-law iSSêw ittQêw ifêr 4 3 2 1 4 2 CS sъ pьs-ъmь > ocz se pøs-emø "with the dog" 5 4 3 2 1 4 2 CS sъ šьv-ьc-ьmь > ocz sø šev-øcemø "with the shoemaker" V C V \ V C / V C / C V / \ C V C | | f A | T I C V C V | | | | \ s q I f V C / q V V C V C / V C V | | | | \ s q I f C C | T A C V V V C \ V C V / | \ A C V C \ C f V [isêqfan] “thresholds” | T \ C V C / | I V n C /| | A s C V / | |\ f U C V C / | V V C V C / A V vowel V \ C / V V C \ s V / U C p ǐ C__C-ø C__C-CV Cz dom-øk-u ocz dommcz dom- dom-ek dom-eč-øk-u Po pøs-a opol mpol pies pies-øk-a ø č-ek e č-ek p ø s-ek p ie s-ek Havlík Lower Old Polish Old Czech Moroccan Arabic German French Modern Polish Modern Czech Russian (26) ps-a "dog" Nsg, Gsg les les-a "forest" Nsg, Gsg pies ps-a "dog" Nsg, Gsg bies bies-a "devil" Nsg, Gsg C \ z C \ U V C V C V / | | | \ z A1 l C A e2 C e1 # s ǐ Scheer (2004, 2005), Ziková (2008) O x x O | | | | | p e s p s p e V C V C / | | l A | T V C / | T V N O N N O N | e s lateral abilities (who is a good governor?) full nuclei: are good governors (-e below) empty nuclei: are not good governors (the last nucleus below) governed nuclei: are not good governors (second but last nucleus below) Government is an association inhibitor: floating pieces of melody can only associate to ungoverned nuclei (21) V sg. class 8 : 7 CV [uzzal] “iron” V → V / __C0 C V pl. 7 CV-template | n [uzlan] “irons” b. loket NOMsg c. loket-ní adjective Gvt Gvt Gvt Havlík vs. Lower in the Government-based analysis non-cyclic (Havlík) vs. cyclic (Lower) application of Government a. government-based Lower derives the Havlík pattern if applied non-cyclically to the overall string (i.e. if the string is made of just one single cycle/phase) because b. right-to-left directionality is in-built: Government is defined as a head-final lateral relation, and strings are therefore processed from right to left. This is a general characteristic of Government that owes nothing to Slavic languages or yers. f. x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x Lower language: -ek is cyclic - case-markers are non-cyclic | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | g. diachronically, all that has happened between Old Czech/Polish and Modern Czech/Polish is that -ek has become cyclic. as many phases as there –ek’s Mod Cz dom-eč-ek “house double dim” phase 2 phase 1 phase 3 Gvt C V C V e k i N v N - O N - | i t ý skøl-ov-it-ý o m N - e k u dom-øk-u | C V C V C V | | | d o m - Phase impenetrability: the association created in phase 2 cannot be undone Gvt e k Gvt C V C V C V C V | | | | | d o m - phase boundary e k - Conclusion 2. grammatical - regular templatic morphology - Kabyle Berber c. loket-ní adj. - - 1. lexical: (Slavic) vowel-zero alternations b. loket Nsg e k ý o v b. association of a piece of melody and a constituent may be under three kinds of control: a. lokøt-e Gsg - d í Havlík language: -ek is non-cyclic (i.e. the previous string and the suffix form a single phase) - case-markers are non-cyclic d o m t - | e n e. | | t classical autosegmental analysis: alternating vowels are floating pieces of melody (Rubach 1986) Hasn’t changed in OT: Yearly (1995) Czech "elbow" | l v O o k e affixes may or may not be cyclic, i.e. may or may not trigger interpretation (a phase): Halle & Vergnaud (1987), Kaye (1995) | | - l d. | | N t affixes have the same lexical representation in Havlík and Lower languages. | k e a. exploration of a logical possibility that is offered by autosegmental representations: all items of a representation, including association lines (i.e. not just constituents and pieces of melody), - may have lexical properties - may be manipulated by phonological computation c. b. ==> the cyclic nature of Lower has become largely consensual. O o k e í C V N l e n C V O e | s Gvt t d o m | -ek cannot associate to governed nuclei o k e t C V C V o l o k e Gvt l | l Gvt e | | | | | t a. cyclic application of Lower Rubach (1984:184ff), Rubach (1993:139f) the string is parsed from left to right, following morphological structure: Pol buł-ecz-ek "bread roll, dim Gpl" = [[[[buł] ǐk] ǐk] ] | | o k e OCz dom-øč-ek “house double dim” O | l in order to make all floating vowels (but the last) appear on the surface, some special provision must be made - | e (22) sequences of alternating vowels N | t Havlík: non-cyclic -ek one single phase covers the stem and all affixes O | o k e | N | l V | Gvt | | e k Gvt | | | | o | | x | | k | C V | vs. | suffix –ek “diminutive” C V O | | Lower a floating vowel is associated to an x-slot iff it occurs before another floating vowel (Rubach 1986, Kenstowicz & Rubach 1987) C V N (32) Association under Control [ifassên] “hands” C V C V C V stable vowel C V C V C V C V | l o k e t e n í Gvt NOMsg C V C V C V | l o k e t e o C V C V C V Gvt regular analysis of the Lower pattern l 12 | "dream Nsg, Gsg" k e c. loket-ní adjective | sn-á s b. loket NOMsg | són | a. lokt-e GENsg | o-zero Gvt Czech "elbow" | "day Nsg, Gsg" | sk | dn'-á | | | d'én' Cz skøl-ov-itý “glassily” C V | O Government relations hold between syllabic constituents, hence x-slots cannot be created during a derivation. a. lokt-e GENsg (27) -o is NOT a yer: it remains stable -ov associates to governed nuclei Gussmann & Kaye (1993) lexical ingredients 10 b. they must be lexically floating for otherwise they would be unable to land in the final empty nucleus of the stem. We know that this is where they land because the trigger vowel-zero alternations. c. illustration | e-zero a. they must be lexically associated recall that this is the definition of the contrast between stable and alternating vowels e | "beaver Gsg, Nsg" (30) contradiction for stable suffix-initial vowels | "beaver fur" /bobr-/ kocioł kotøł -ow-y boiler Gsg, Nsg, adj. O /bobø-/ bóbr Polish kotøł-a alternating vowel bob'ór bobr-á skøl-ov-it-ý glass Ng, Gpl, glassy b. floating vowels fall into two groups - those that can associate to any nucleus ==> -ov - those that can associate only to ungoverned nuclei ==> -ek [Ziková 2008] bobr-á "caress Nsg, Gpl" skel a. the stable/alternating distinction is a lexical property of ==> the melody of the vowel Czech pes ‘dog’ Nsg Rubach (1986) gloss (31) solution C V C V C V C V /lask-/ Czech skøl-o root stable vowels are lexically associated to their nucleus e. CøC-ov-V C V C V C V - alternating vowels are 1. pieces of melody that are 2. lexically unassociated to their nucleus b. CeC Gvt Lower: cyclic suffixes n A1 C C V C V C V lásk CøC-V Cz *skel-o “glass (NOMsg)” C V C V C V lásk-a b. adj. -ov is stable: - it triggers the absence of a preceding alternating vowel - it does not alternate itself general properties of Government in CVCV Scheer (2004, 2005), Ziková (2008) d. pes l o k e t e a. diminutive -ek is alternating: Po pies-ek, pies-øk-a Cz dom-ek, dom-øk-u suffixal-initial vowels must float "weasel Nsg, Gpl" (20) d. the regular contrast (lexically associated vs. unassociated pieces of melody) is not available in the Government-based analysis. (29) examples e vocalization c. | C __C V | c. A branches, damage caused: loss of A1 and degemination of C1 as a consequence of the vowel dropping. V bułk-a /lasøk-/ [TisêqfaTin] “small thresholds” pl. 7 CV-template buł-k-a lások 7 [afus] “hand” — lásk-a fem. pl. 9 CV sg. class 3: 5 CV d. buł-ǐk-a closed syllable c. several vowels may alternate with zero whereby their quality may not be predicted: it is a lexical property of the morpheme. ==> melodies of alternating vowels must be present in the lexicon. Eastern Slavic, e.g. Russian: pl. 8 CV-template __C yer C yer # (25) Lower describes a lateral and regressive relationship between vowels vs. [asêqqif] “threshold” bułecz-ek Government-based analysis of vowel-zero alternations b. the location of alternating vowels in the string cannot be predicted: it is a lexical property of each morpheme ==> the location of the alternating vowels must be lexically specified e.g. Russian sg. class 6: 8 CV-template n V A V U V I C 9 C__C-yer Cø Polish | C / V buł-ecz-ek step 1: non-vocalisation of e1 (no following floating e) step 2: vocalisation of e2 (presence of a following floating e) step 3: vocalisation of e3 (presence of a following floating e) ==> result: CeCeC# [correct result: CøCeCø#] C__C-V Czech b. A branches, gemination of C2, damage caused: loss of U tip sow | I horn mountain C C C green vegetable / I As we can observe, the external plurals may present items that are absent in the singular. ilfa-n C s \ \ ilêf V A | T side of the chest C \ V iDmar-n Lower vocalises all of them. a. typically, whether a vowel alternates with zero or not cannot be predicted from its quality ==> alternating and non-alternating vowels must be lexically distinct ==> note the behaviour of -T, which eats up space but cannot appear on the surface (it is pronounced only in the feminine plural in -in, i.e. before a full vowel. buł-ecz-ek- e3 desiderata for an analysis a. A branches, damage caused: loss of I and degemination of C2 as a consequence of the vowel dropping. C Gloss C (19) properties and consequences of vowel-zero alternations 1) Class 2: e.g. argaz : VCCVC : 5 CV-template 2) Class 6: e.g. azêqqur: VCCiCiVC: 8 CV-template 3) Class 3: e.g. asif: VCVC: 5 CV-template c. buł-ǐcz-ǐk- | b. examples I propose in Ben Si Said (in prep.) that the external plural template in Kabyle is (minimally) made of 7 [CV]. __C yer # | a. Havlík and Lower may not coexist within a given language: languages follow either one or the other pattern. templates in Kabyle bułek | Havlík vocalises every other, counting from the right margin. (18) a parameter 6 buł-ek a. a. CV | A/I/U/ Œ a. Absence vs. presence of melodic items in external plural formation iDmêr T C C fox w V buł-ek- x zero Different semantic values sex: male ~ female = amGar “old man” ~ T-amGar-T “old woman” size: diminutive = asif “river” ~ T-asif-T “small river” augmentative = T-ittQ “eye” ~ ittQ “big eye” inclusion: collective ~ singulative = awêttQuf “ants” ~ T-awêttQuf-T “one ant” pejorative: argaz “man” ~ T-argaz-T “weakling” T-amêttQu-T “woman” ~ amêttQu “mannish”. A j C b. buł-ǐk- x open syllable ==> if lexically present, A receives the order to branch in the plural, and thus appears as such on the surface. uSSan-n U V __C yer C V x Following Lowenstamm (1991) and Bendjaballah (1996, 1999), I adopt the hypothesis that peripheral vowels are underlyingly long in Kabyle: melodic material associated to a single position appears as schwa. C bułeczk-a (15) they fall into two patterns according to how sequences of alternating vowels behave: b. Peripheral vowels V buł-ecz-ǐk-a buł-ecz-k-a the classical analysis is unable to derive the Havlík pattern Templatic analysis C a. buł-ǐcz-ǐk-a e. even if there were a means to do that, the result would be wrong: on the assumption that stray erasure of floating melodies occurs only at the end of the entire derivation, CьCьCь# parsed right-to-left in a single cycle produces (17) Havlík vs. Lower: illustration a. Templates Templates are a fixed sequence of CV positions that serves is associated to some morpho-semantic value. The melodic material of the lexical items must comply with this skeleton when it instantiates the morphosemantic value at hand. c. like everywhere else in Slavic languages, the contrast between alternating and stable vowels is a lexical property of each morpheme and therefore needs to be recorded in the lexicon. b. suffixes whose vowel does alternate with zero d. what would be needed is a right-to-left parsing, but there is no way to enforce this kind of anti-cyclic derivation. (16) Havlík's Law: illustration When A is lexically present, it appears in the pl. ==> If lexically present, A is a plural marker in external plurals. Hence it is subject to an order to appear on the surface, even if its appearance causes damage elsewhere in the root. a. suffixes whose vowel does not alternate with zero (= suffixes with stable Vs) c. Rubach's (1984) additional specification that Lower is a cyclic rule ensures that strings are processed from left-to-right. Lower vs. Havlík b. The feminine in Kabyle in Kabyle a specific morphological formation is called "feminine" but actually covers a number of semantic values (Chaker 1998). surface appearance sg: T-√-T pl: T-√-in uSSên I 5 (12) The association of A in external plural Plural = Presence war Nsg, Gpl, adj. loket-ní e.g. /aDêbbuz/ Singular = Absence vojén-nɨj loket e.g. /idêflan/ item absent in sg. vójen lokøt-e |êCV| is forbidden in Kabyle Berber. (6) C__C-CV Czech note that the alternation of initial sg a pl i occurs in 97% of nouns. It is probably a prefixed (unproductive?) article (which however cannot be dissociated from the root). This alternation plays no role in the demonstration below. a. C__C# argaz, uzzal, afrux, axxam, afraÍ, afzim, azniq (10) Schwa in Kabyle The occurrence of schwa is predictable in Kabyle. As described by Chaker (1983), schwa occurs in the following environments: between two consonants in a word-final consonant C__C# e.g. /izêm/ gloss VCCVC Singular Kabyle plural two types of plural: “external” plural, called “N plural” and it is characterized by the suffixation of –N to the singular: iTBir iTBir-n “pigeon” vowel in closed syllables Class 8 noun classes 8–6-3 “internal” plural or “A plural” and it is characterized by changing in the quality of the vowels and A in last position aGanim iGunam “reed” (5) basic pattern of Slavic vowel-zero alternations, no variation C__C-V surface relevant yer occurs in b. the classical Lower rule does not provide any indication whether a given string should be processed from left to right, right to left or in any other way. It is therefore unclear how the Lower rule should be applied when a string needs to be processed - that makes a single cycle/phase - and that contains more than two alternating vowels in a row. amêhraz, igêrgis, afêrfuD, asêfru, akêrfuf, amêCsa, imênsi The external plural agent A in Kabyle Berber (4) Scheer (2004) zero in open syllables (28) there are two types of vowel-initial suffixes a. the generative literature does not consider the Havlík pattern. It is therefore difficult to determine what an analysis in terms of the classical Lower rule or OT-adapted versions thereof would look like. VCCCVC 6.a (3) outline in Kabyle nouns whose root bears an A, this A must branch in external plurals. even if this branching affects the rest of the root: loss of segmental material. while the plural observes templatic restrictions, this cannot be the result of regular templatic activity: the branching of A is systematically favoured over other ways to fill in the templatic space. ==> there is a specific order issued by plural formation that requires the A to branch. a. zero in open syllables (Cz lokøt-e) (14) Stable vs. alternating suffix-initial vowels (24) the Lower rule cannot be adapted to Havlík Class 7 (2) typical situation in Semitic grammatical control over association b. ==> C2 receives an "order" to associate (13) all vowel-zero alternations share Russian vojøn-á (9) (piece of) a morpheme 8 (Slavic) vowel-zero alternations b. vowel in closed syllables (Cz loket, loket-ní) 1. grammar: morphology issues an order, association is a (piece of a) morpheme ==> typical property of templatic morphology: Arabic etc., here Kabyle Berber a. example: the gemination of the middle consonant of a triconsonantal root may be a morpheme, i.e. only marker of the grammatical category in question: C1VC2VC3 - unmarked meaning C1VC2C2VC3 - intensive/iterative meaning 4 I’ve classified the nouns according to their cluster in the singular form. Examples are given in the following table b. it may be governed by regular templatic morphology found in Semitic lexical specification of pieces of melody A has priority in external plural formation (8) yerdeletion → underlying → Lower → Association under lexical control: The examples given in (8) reveal underlying melodic items which surface only in plural and which are not predictable ==> These items are present in the lexicon and they belong to the root but for some reason are absent in the singular. purpose 2 Association under Control this poster and some of the references quoted at www.unice.fr/dsl/tobias.htm 11 (23) derivation of the Lower pattern by cyclic application of the Lower rule sample derivations showing the cyclic application of Lower Pol bułka "bread roll“ (alternating vowels are called yers in Slavic) e k 3. sociological French: liaison with and without enchaînement [Encrevé 1988, Encrevé & Scheer 2005] with enchaînement: j'avais [z] un rêve without enchaînement: j'avais [z | ʔ] un rêve 13 References Bendjaballah, S. 1996 Aspects du système verbal du berbère (Kabyle). DEA Dissertation, Université de Paris 7. Bendjaballah, S. 1999. Trois figures de la structure interne des gabarits: activité morphologique du niveau squelettal des représentations phonologiques en berbère, somali et béja. PhD dissertation, Université de Paris 7. Ben Si Saïd, S. (in prep.) La formation du pluriel en kabyle. MA thesis. Université de Nice. Chaker, Salem 1983 Un parler berbère d'Algérie (syntaxe), Aix-en-Provence, Publications de l'Université de Provence. Chaker, S. 1998. Genre grammatical (masculin/féminin). Encyclopédie Berbère, tome XX, 3042-3045. Encrevé, Pierre 1988. La liaison avec et sans enchaînement: phonologie tridimensionnelle et usages du français. Paris: Seuil. Encrevé, Pierre & Tobias Scheer 2005. Autosegmental association is not automatic. Paper presented at the 13th Manchester Phonology Meeting, Manchester 26-28 May. Gussmann, Edmund & Jonathan Kaye 1993. Polish notes from a Dubrovnik Café: I. The yers. SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics and Phonetics 3: 427-462. Halle, Morris & Jean-Roger Vergnaud 1987. An Essay on Stress. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Kaye, Jonathan 1995. Derivations and Interfaces. Frontiers of Phonology, edited by Jacques Durand & Francis Katamba, 289-332. London & New York: Longman. Also in SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics and Phonetics 3, 1993, 90-126.Kenstowicz, Michael & Jerzy Lowenstamm, J. 1991. Vocalic length and syllable structure in Semitic, in Kaye A.S. (ed.), Semitic Studies in Honor of Wolf Leslau on the Occasion of his 85th Birthday, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz Rubach 1987. The Phonology of Syllabic Nuclei in Slovak. Language 63: 463-497. Rubach, Jerzy 1984. Cyclic and Lexical Phonology: The Structure of Polish. Dordrecht: Foris. Rubach, Jerzy 1986. Abstract vowels in three dimensional phonology: the yers. The Linguistic Review 5: 247-280. Rubach, Jerzy 1993. The Lexical Phonology of Slovak. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Scheer, Tobias 2004. A Lateral Theory of Phonology. Vol.1: What is CVCV, and why should it be? Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Scheer, Tobias 2005. Slavic Vowel-Zero Alternations and Government Phonology: Two Approaches, One Solution. Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics 13: The South Carolina Meeting, edited by Steven Franks, Frank Gladney & Mila Tasseva-Kurktchieva, 300-311. Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Publications. Yearley, Jennifer 1995. Jer vowels in Russian. Papers in Optimality Theory, edited by J. Beckman, S. Urbanczyk & L. Walsh, 533-571. Amherst, Mass.: GSLA. Ziková, Markéta 2008. Alternace e-nula v současné češtině. Autosegmentální analýza. Ph.D dissertation, Masarykova Univerzita v Brně.